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Global worker No1 2022

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BY OLA SÄLL

Seven years into the new democratic South Africa, the labour movement finds itself adapting to a new set of circumstances. After a long history of political struggle against the white apartheid government, it now has to deal more with basic labour issues. 
But Silumko Nondwangu, general secretary of the National Union of Metalworkers of South Africa (Numsa) has realised that the struggle is far from over. This time it is not against a minority government, but against what he describes as a ruling ANC party with more conservative and neo-liberal values than ever before -- privatisation leading to retrenchments, rapidly increasing unemployment and harsh consequences of globalisation. According to Nondwangu, everything could be different if only the ANC had chosen a different path. 
He gives strong signals of tensions within the powerhouse of South African politics: the tripartite alliance between the ruling African National Congress (ANC), the South Africa Communist Party (SACP) and the Congress of South Africa Trade Unions (Cosatu). 
Silumko Nondwangu rose to the position of general secretary at the age of only 36, but his history in Numsa goes back some 13 years. He was working in the industrial town of East London for a supplier to the car manufacturer Daimler when, in 1989, he was dismissed for attending a Cosatu special congress protesting against the Labour Relations Act. The matter went before the Industrial Court where he and his colleagues demanded to be reinstated but lost their case. 
Soon he made a career inside Numsa as a local organiser in Queenstown and advanced to regional education officer. In 1997, he was appointed regional secretary for the Eastern Cape province and last year elected to the top job of the union. 

OUR ROLE HAS CHANGED 

Q: How was the situation when you were elected? 
A: At the time of the congress, we had serious organisational problems. After the 1994 election, we lost a number of capable comrades who went over to politics. Our membership is decreasing. It's quite bad. Today, we are 220,000 members in Numsa, down from 280,000 in 1994. But maybe we have lost even more than 60,000 because in some small factories no figures are provided in regard to job losses. There are massive dismissals in the small companies. 
Q: How has the role of the trade unions changed from pre-94 until today? 
A: A strategic change. Before 1994, we struggled to ensure that we had a democratic government. We continue to define this new government as much more sympathetic to the interests of the working class than the previous one. Hence, the federation took a decision to forge an alliance with the ANC. 
Since 1994, we struggle to ensure that those things we had envisaged before 1994 were put in place, such as the rights of workers enshrined in the constitution, new conditions of employment, ensuring that the labour market is completely structured. But also ensuring that the labour movement is part of the transformation and reconstruction of the country. So the role has completely changed. 
Q: Would it be correct to say that Numsa and other Cosatu unions have toned down the political issues to focus more on labour issues? 
A: I don't think so. In as much as you have the ANC and the Communist Party as political movements, I think there remains a role for the labour unions to play a much more strategic political role. You can't separate macro-economic issues from the broader political questions. To reshape the macro-economic strategies of the government you must also debate the political environment. What is the balance of forces on an international level? Globalisation? USA? How does all that impact on our South African situation? 
Q: So you still want to be a part of the political transformation? 
A: Yes certainly. As the labour movement, we have to participate in various structures, set up by the democratic movement, to ensure there is transformation and that our members in various constituencies benefit from that process. 
We strongly believe that the centre of power lies in the tripartite alliance and in particular the ANC. Therefore, it becomes important for us that if there are problems within the alliance, the alliance must begin to deal with those problems. 

MEMBERS DISILLUSIONED 

Q: There was a draft resolution at your last congress suggesting that the Communist Party should replace the ANC as the leader of the alliance. Why? 
A: That resolution stemmed from the economic crisis in our country. We had observed, as workers, that there had been a gradual shift on the part of the ANC from the kind of policies which were crafted jointly as an alliance. Gradually, the ANC was moving towards conservative neo-liberal policies. Hence, one region -- the Mpumalanga -- proposed that the Communist Party, as a working-class party, could lead the entire working class, including the labour movement, towards a socialist vision. That resolution was raised on the basis of our members being disillusioned with some of the macroeconomic policies of the ANC-government. But the resolution never went further. The congress reinstated the relevance of the alliance, and in particular the ANC, as leaders of the national democratic revolution. 
Q: Where do you stand yourself? 
A: I am bound by the resolution taken by the congress. My responsibility is to do my best to pursue that resolution until the next congress. And therefore, any problems which arise within the alliance must be dealt with much more vigorously by the federation without any fear or favour to any component of the alliance. That's where I stand. 
Q: 500,000 jobs have been lost in South Africa since 1994. Whom do you blame, the ANC or other factors? 
A: Both. There are some factors beyond the government's control and some within. We continue to argue that when South Africa opened up the economy in 1994 and became part of the World Trade Organisation negotiations to reduce tariffs, we did so much more than was requested of us. But we did not develop an industrial policy to cushion the effects with a human resources strategy, like skilling the employees, ensuring that those sectors which would not be able to compete in the global economy could benefit, and create jobs in the domestic market instead. 
Those companies which took advantage of globalisation by exporting their products at the same time restructured operations and shed jobs. There were factors which the ANC could have controlled in regard to trade, tariffs, liberalisation and development of an industrial policy. 

WORKDAYS LOST IN STRIKES DECREASED 

Q: The opposition parties in South Africa say that you only look after your members, not the unemployed? 
A: We have a track record that we bargain also in the interest of the entire unemployed constituency. To stimulate economic growth is one of the central themes in Cosatu. An impression is created that those employed have narrow and elitist interests of their own at the exclusion of the unemployed. But take a black family; in the past you had an extended family of say five people you were responsible for. With increasing unemployment, an average employed person is supporting ten other people. There is, therefore, no justification to suggest for a moment that employed workers have narrow interests. 
Q: The number of workdays lost in strikes decreased from 3.1 million in 1999 to 1.4 million last year. Is that due to better relations on the labour market? 
A: There are two reasons. One relates to the fact that we are no longer negotiating with the employers on a yearly basis. We have concluded three-year agreements. The second aspect is this: Even though there has been GDP growth and some foreign direct investment, it has not translated into new jobs. Foreign investment has mostly been capital intensive. Therefore, we are losing jobs. In that environment, it is difficult for those who hold jobs to contemplate to go out and strike. 

LESSONS OF VOLKSWAGEN 

Q: You have been involved in several major conflicts last year. The largest was at Volkswagen where 1,300 employees were dismissed in February. What have you learned from these conflicts? 
A: There are quite a few lessons. Remember I was a part of the conflict at Daimler in 1990. So what happened at Volkswagen was not entirely new. Some of the lessons drawn was that militancy not always translates into a strong coherent organisation in a particular factory. 
Let me elaborate: there had been a history of illegal strikes at VW about issues which directly affected our members. That constituency was very militant, driving struggles on its own, with disregard and contempt for the leadership of the union, thinking they were a trade union of their own. The union was in many instances caught in a situation where we would, in the middle of a strike, be called to intervene. In the past there were serious legal and financial implications if members were to embark on an illegal strike. You could be sued, your members could be instantly dismissed. Numsa did not begin to deal with the root cause of the illegal strikes in that factory, impacting negatively on building the trade movement. 
Almost all political leaders in the federation have come and gone in that factory, persons like Jay Naidoo, Sam Shilowa and many leaders of the Communist Party and ANC. That created an impression among our members that they were above Numsa. 
So one important lesson was that militancy on its own does not translate into qualitative thinking. A lot of work has to be done. We had militancy but not an organisational structure which could build on that militancy. 

GLOBALISATION WITHOUT A HUMAN FACE 

Q: Whether you like it or not, globalisation is here. Capital and companies move as never before. From the foreign investor's point of view, why should he choose South Africa, where the trade unions and labour regulations are strong, rather than the Far East where they are weaker? 
A: That depends on your definition of globalisation. It must have a human face, but at present it does not. 
Q: That is a good wish, but who can order an investor to have a human face? Capital goes where it finds an environment for growth. 
A: As the trade union movement exists on national and global level. It's a struggle. 
Q: But do you in your internal discussions sometimes contemplate if you perhaps scare investors away by being too strong and militant? 
A: Certainly not. Just as capital has got rights, so have workers. And their rights must be respected. This argument is completely a myth; take Angola for example. It is war-ravished, there is war, yet capital invests there. 
Q: Only in the oil sector . . . 
A: Yes, so the issue of the strength of unions is not a big factor for capital. Even in that environment, capital is able to maximise profits. 

OPPOSED TO IDEOLOGICALLY DRIVEN PRIVATISATION 

Q: I know that you are against the ongoing privatisation of state-owned enterprises. But how would you rather see them utilised? After the National Party (NP) had won the 1948 elections, it used the public sector to pull the poor white Afrikaners out of poverty, improved their standard through the public sector. Would you prefer that the ANC did the same thing now for the black people? 
A: In regard to restructuring of state enterprises, there are some which have a strategic role in the restructuring of our country: Telkom (telecommunications), Eskom (electricity), Transnet (transports), Denel (arms manufacturer), and some others. Given the legacy of the past, they would have to be restructured to be responsive to the democratisation and transformation of our country. In the event that one of them runs at loss, we have to find partners overseas to get new technologies and to tap on foreign direct investments. That is our position. But we are opposed to ideologically driven privatisation. By ideologically driven we mean that they are sold only for foreign capital to make profit out of them, and in the process jobs are lost massively. 
So we are not propagating the same policy as the NP did in 1948. There are quite a number of sales of state enterprises that were never opposed since they were white elephants. 
Q: Of course you must fight retrenchments, that's what you are paid for. But can you, on the other hand, understand when globalisation, lower tariffs on imported cars and stiffer competition give the automotive industry the choice to retrench or close down? 
A: It is unavoidable that some companies must close down due to competition. The role of the nation-state is critical. The decision to integrate in the global market is not taken by capital, but by governments. Once you open up the economy, the government must say: these industries will maybe not be able to compete internationally, and therefore we must ensure that they diversify. They must concentrate on the domestic market or look at other sectors which can absorb those employees who lose their jobs. Look at the agricultural sector. They haven't done anything to the land reform programme. 
Q: You mean a proper land reform could save retrenched people . . . 
A: It is a major problem that massive numbers of people are moving from rural to urban areas because they have absolutely no livelihood. There is no strategy for the rural areas; we have concentrated on industrialisation. Even if, as the ANC puts it, they have policies which attract foreign investors, the trickle-down effect has not worked anywhere in the world. 
Q: Well, it worked in Europe and in the USA . . . 
A: But the conditions are different here. 
Q: But if you see success, shouldn't you copy it? 
A: Yes, but you must be able to adjust that to your own conditions. 

"WE ARE NOT SOCIAL DEMOCRATS" 

Q: If you look at the world map, aren't the successful countries in Europe and North America the ones with a liberal economy? 
A: They have only succeeded for a limited section of the population, but the majority lives in squalid conditions. 
Q: And you should not copy failure? 
A: Exactly. We have copied failure. Neoliberalism has not worked anywhere. Look at Britain. The services which should have been provided by the state in Britain, such as water and houses, are provided by capital at a huge cost to the population in that country.
Q: Numsa describes social democracy as "A political system that relies on the ability of various social forces to make compromises in order to attain consensus. Such compromises more often than not are to the benefit of capital rather than the working class. This is not the point at which we find ourselves." If Numsa is not promoting social democracy, as the ANC does, what do you promote? 
A: No, we are not social democrats. We strive for a socialist society. Social democracy has failed its subjects. 

APPENDIXES TO THE POLITICAL PARTIES 

Q: Numsa is by far the best organised metalworkers' union on the African continent. How can it assist the other unions on the continent to develop? 
A: One of the themes I have raised in the IMF is that a major problem with trade unions in Africa is that they have a legacy to carry, a legacy completely different from the evolution of the movement in South Africa. For instance, take trade unions in Angola or Zimbabwe. In their struggles for national liberation, you had in the centre guerrilla armies led by the liberation movements. They did not build strong organisations that pursued the struggle in civil society, like we did here. Their trade unions emerged from initiatives by the liberation movements, not necessarily because of the conditions of the workers. Therefore, they became appendixes to the political parties. One thing we have to deal with in the trade union movement is the independence from those parties, which has been a major problem. 
Q: Do you mean they should be encouraged to be more self-reliant? 
A: Self-reliant and independent and self-sufficient, but not necessarily separated from the governing party -- only so far as they have a distinct constituency situated at the point of production. There are quite a number of general secretaries of trade union movements who are paid directly by governments. That way you can't have an independent and critical union. 
Q: But your own movement has an alliance with the ruling party. What is the difference? 
A: The difference is that we have a strong base by ourselves. Our decisions in the congress are primarily decided by our own constituency. 

PREPARED TO LISTEN TO OTHER UNIONS 

Q: Numsa and the South African trade unions are considered to be leaders in Africa. Are you worried that you might be caught in this leadership role, that it can be a burden? 
A: We don't necessarily want to play a leading role in Africa. We have to be very careful. There are certain sensitivities in regard to other trade unions in Africa, concerning the role that South Africa as a country is playing on the continent. What we are prepared to do as Numsa is to assist other trade unions, which we have been doing in the past, for instance in Namibia and Mozambique. To share our experiences. But we don't want to impose our labour regime and how we operate in South Africa. We want to assist and cooperate with them in building strong trade unions, rather than being seen as imposing ourselves on them. 
Q: But you have something to teach them? 
A: We have something to teach and something to learn from them. 

Ola Säll is a free lance journalist, based in Cape Town, South Africa.

The role of the trade unions in South Africa has completely changed, says Silumko Nondwangu, Numsa's general secretary since August last year.

The struggle in South Africa&lt;br&gt;is far from over

POLAND: In addition to the dismissal of 750 workers at the Fiat plant in Bielsko Biala, Poland, announced in February, another 440 workers have been laid off at three Polish plants to which Fiat outsources a part of its production: 
- 68 workers at Sistema, Bielsko, Tychy; 
- 310 workers at Delfo Polska; 
- 62 workers at TNT. 
The three companies are not controlled by Fiat. The workers had been transferred from Fiat to these sub-contractors, which work entirely for the Italian carmaker. 
On February 6, when Fiat announced its decision to dismiss the 750 workers at its plant in Bielsko, it did not consult or negotiate with the trade union, NSZZ Solidarnosc, whereupon the IMF sent a protest letter to Fiat's top management in Turin, Italy. 
See previous news items.

Another 440 workers have been laid off as a consequence of dismissals at Fiat.

IMF protests to Fiat

Additional dismissals in Poland

GREAT BRITAIN: Referring to the difficult situation at the Anglo-Dutch steelmaker Corus, which announced on February 1 a major restructuring programme including plans to cut over 6,000 jobs in the UK, Michael Leahy, general secretary of the Iron and Steel Trades Confedation, says he still hopes to persuade the company to adopt the union's alternative strategy and not push ahead with the job cuts. Further talks between the ISTC and Corus will take place at the end of March. 
Corus announced on March 15 that the group's operating loss for the 15 months to December 30 was £1.15 billion, which includes exceptional costs of over £1 billion. Leahy maintains that the underlying losses are comparatively small. "When you take from the losses the costs of plant closures and job losses that have not yet taken place, but are in these figures, you discover an overall operating loss of only £23 million over 12 months and £130 million over 15 months." He said the steel business was cyclical, and that very large profits were made in the good years. 
Although the company has said it was not likely to change its mind on the job cuts, it has promised to listen to union suggestions. 
Corus already laid off 4,500 workers in the UK in 2000.

The IMF-affiliated Iron and Steel Trades Confederation is campaigning hard to save steelworkers' jobs.

Huge blow by Corus

Underlying losses at Corus are comparatively small

The meeting was chaired by Dick Davis, Assistant Int. President USWA and attended by some 200 plus delegates from all of the aluminium plants in Canada and the USA, including several delegates from the IAM. In addition IMF affiliated trade unions from Australia, Germany, Sweden, Brazil, Russia, Ghana and South Africa, as well as two representatives from a non-unionised Alcoa-subsidiary in Mexico and the IMF. 

Sheila Block and Carey Burnell from the USWA Research Department presented a report on all aspects of the bauxite alumina and aluminium industry, including an analysis of all of the major aluminium companies, addressing such issues as labour relations, company finance, capacity, production and consumption, prices, international trade, as well as the implications on employment resulting from merger activity. 
Patti Seehafer and Kelly C. McCaffrey, USWA, presented very comprehensive reports on negotiating occupational pension plans and improved health and accident benefit provisions. 

Leo W. Gerard, the newly-appointed International President of the USWA, pointed out that he was pleased to have the opportunity to address this important conference, so soon after his appointment, as it provided an opportunity to underline the importance of international trade union solidarity and to portray his vision of the future and the role of the USWA. 

Mike Wright USWA Director for Health and Safety stressed the fact that the resolution of health and safety problems at work was a political rather than a technical issue, as the solutions were known and it was simply a question of the allocation of resources. 
 To assist all workers in the aluminium industry develop both an awareness of the problems and the required health and safety programmes, it was suggested that the IMF should produce a booklet for the aluminium industry, similar to the one produced for steel. 

Len Powell, IMF, drew attention to the extremely serious consequences arising from exposure to radioactive contaminated scrap.&lt;br

While the tonnages of radioactive non-ferrous metal scrap were much less than those of steel, increased amounts would be coming on to the scrap metal market in the near future. and it was necessary to ensure the proper precautions were taken to avoid any risk of exposure, and this meant in effect the adoption of a zero-exposure policy. 

Dick Davis strongly supported the proposal to publish a health and safety booklet for the aluminium industry, which would assist in the development and adoption of common health and safety provisions, based on best practices, for all aluminium workers. Adding that leading companies such as Alcoa, Alcan, Pechiney and Kaiser, would have some difficulty in rejecting such a proposal. Furthermore, the USWA would be negotiating a new master collective agreement with Alcoa later this year and such a proposal will be an important part of the union's demands. 

After conveying his message of solidarity and support, on behalf of the twenty-three million metalworkers in the IMF family, Marcello Malentacchi underlined the importance of the aluminium industry, which is growing faster than any other metal, as new applications are being developed that exploit the advantages aluminium has to offer. 

The need for stable and sensibly priced electricity supplies was highlighted by the fact that some companies in the USA could make much higher profits by closing down their plants, then re-selling the electricity they did not use. 

The aluminium industry is undergoing a period of consolidation and restructuring, with a wave of mergers and take-overs resulting in a concentration of ownership that further intensifies competition, and with the development of massive MNCs like Alcoa, for example, with subsidiaries in almost every part of the world, they become the pace setters for wages, working conditions, occupational health and safety and environmental provisions, for the industry as a whole. 

This makes it increasingly important for the trade unions which represent the interests of the workers in such companies, to develop the necessary structures to facilitate the international solidarity and cooperation that will become increasingly important in the years ahead. 

There is an urgent need to overcome the lack of unity at both the national and international level, and we will seek to achieve this by establishing IMF Country Councils where they do not already exist, and complement these developments at the individual company level, through the establishment of IMF World Company Councils. 

An important aspect is the negotiation of draft Codes of Conduct for those companies where we have established World Company Councils. 

The IMF's Corporate Code of Conduct sets out to establish that all workers in a single company are guaranteed "Core Labour Standards", and ensure decent wages and working conditions for all the company's employees, including those who work for sub-contract companies. 

It is clear that we are facing some difficult times and, with the election of a Republican President, the situation is not going to get any easier, but I am confident, that as long as the workers in the metal industries continue to cooperate, and provide the support and solidarity that was shown by those who helped to form the IMF over 100 years ago, then we can and we will succeed. 

Dick Davis pointed out that with the overall reduction in union membership, we have seen a drop in wages, pensions, cost of living agreements and retiree benefits, as well as an increase in contracting out and a shift to individual plant bargaining. Consequently, we urgently need to establish a global trade union movement. 

In the general discussion which followed, the dramatic change in the approach of management at Kaiser Aluminium, following the change of ownership, led to a strike and then to a two year-long lockout as a result of Kaiser's challenge to the long established "pattern bargaining" practice in the USA aluminium industry. 
In addition to seeking international trade union solidarity and support, it was necessary to forge an alliance with environmental groups in order to win the necessary public support, as well as pursuing our claim through the legal system. Indeed, when the lockout was declared illegal, Kaiser became liable for over $350 m. in back pay, which forced them to reinstate their employees and return to the negotiating table. 

Another significant victory was won at South Wire Aluminium, where a Federal Judge ordered the company to take back all of the former workers, but the company refused to reinstate the 17 that had been dismissed after being convicted of various offences whilst on picket duty. Following negotiations with Century Aluminium, who are in the process of buying the South Wire plant, the 17 steelworker members who were fired, will all be reinstated. 

Lawrence Mc Brearty USWA in Canada, stressed the importance of international trade union solidarity. Faced as we are with a wide range of regional trade agreements, that are designed to increase profits and eliminate all obstacles that would prevent the achievement of that goal, trade union solidarity is the only solution. Adding that the next meeting for the proposed FTAA, which will include all American countries apart from Cuba, will be meeting in Quebec next month. 
The many governments attending this meeting will be seeking to extend the rights of companies to make profits in line with those provided in NAFTA. And while the USWA has not been invited to participate in this meeting, he assured those present that the USWA in Canada would make their views known, and he invited all present to join with them in their protests. 

Gerry Fernandez USWA International Department noted that the USWA has a proud history of defensive struggles, but we now need to establish the necessary networks with other trade unions and forge alliances with NGOs, to ensure we are able to achieve our goals. 

Reference was made to the plight of Mexican employees of an Alcoa plant in the maquiladoras, where they have denied their workers the right to join or form a trade union. 

Country reports 

Sweden 
It was noted that a 3 year collective agreement had recently been signed, providing improved job security as well as additional holidays and early retirement, and an increase of more than 10% in wages. 

It was pointed out that the Swedish aluminium industry consists of just 3 companies, which employ a total of 10,000, of which 3,000 are in Sweden. There is only one primary aluminium smelter, producing 60,000 tpa. 

Australia -	
Aluminium is important to the Australian economy, employing 13,000 workers, two-thirds of which are members of trade unions. 
 Two plants closed recently, with the companies blaming overseas competition, and although we have negotiated good redundancy packages this is not what we wanted, as we would have preferred to save the jobs of our members. 

The trade union movement in Australia has been under severe attack, with the Conservative Government supporting both the use of scab labour to break a dock strike, and BHP's attempt to force its employees to sign individual contracts of employment and abandon their collective agreement, which would result in beginning of the end of union recognition in the iron-ore mines. Despite the best efforts of the union, significant numbers are being persuaded to sign individual contracts by the offer of increased pay. 

Germany 
It is clear from the reports we are hearing that we are all suffering the same problems and we need to practice international solidarity and not just talk about it. It was suggested that we should establish a contact list with the names, addresses, etc. for union officials in all Alcoa and Alcan plants. 

The proposed mergers between Alcan, Pechiney and Alusuisse was conceived in secret and the workers only found out via the mass media. As a result IGM successfully lobbied the European Commission to reject the merger on anti-trust grounds. 

The globalisation process is likely to result in the existance of just five major aluminium companies in the not too distant future, and it is essential that we form an international world company council to ensure the workers are in these massive companies properly represented. 

A Canadian delegate pointed out that when the APA merger was announced, they were told the 10,000 job losses that were announced would take place in France and Switzerland, yet when they contacted the unions in these countries, they found that their management had told them exactly the same story. 
This underlines the need for us to cooperate much more closely in future, in order to prevent management from playing off workers in one country against those elsewhere. 

Alcan workers are planning to meet in Quebec in April to establish a WCC, and we need the IMF's help to create WCCs for Alcoa and Kaiser. 

Gerry Fernandez explained that the new International President Leo Gerard strongly supported the proposal to establish WCCs, as this type of initiative was one of his highest priorities. 

There are 13,000 non-unionised Alcoa employees in Mexico and we should target this plant to help our fellow workers who receive less than $1.00/hr, to enable them to achieve basic trade union and human rights and a decent standard of living. 

Mexico 
The problems faced by those working in the maquiladora area in Mexico do not only involve a struggle for better wages and working conditions, but even involve such basic items as toilet paper, which the company strictly rations to its employees. 

When we sought to negotiate improvements in wages and health and safety provisions, management stalled by asking for six months to prepare their response. When we subsequently asked the company for its decision, they claimed that it was only 24 workers who were causing the problems. 
Mounted police were brought in and used excessive force against the workers who organised a sit-in to draw attention to their claim. Some of the police kicked workers who were sitting on the ground and used tear gas to disperse the workers. Alcoa subsequently sacked their entire workforce, but finally agreed to reinstate all of the 1,600 workforce, with the exception of the 24 trade union leaders who management claimed were responsible for the demonstration, even though some of them did not take part in the struggle.

A second Mexican delegate noted that they are seeing the emergence of democracy in the trade union movement in Mexico. However, many local town councils try to attract companies like Alcoa to establish plants in their locality by promising union-free workforces. 
We find it more effective to speak to management of the parent company rather than those in the local plants. Indeed, when we raised this issue with Alcoa management in the USA, all of the 24 union officials were reinstated. 

It is not the working conditions that we are complaining about, but long working hours and the extremely low level of wages, which means that our living conditions are abysmal, with no running water or sanitation. 

Brazil 
Aluminium output has been steadily increasing with investment in new production capacity, making Brazil the sixth largest primary aluminium producer with 1.2 mtpa. 

Reflecting the high costs of energy, labour costs only account for 10% of total production costs, resulting in employment costs becoming less important. 

The trade union model in Brazil is very different from that in the USA, as it was copied from the Italian fascist system. And despite the fact that Brazil has ratified the ILO Core Conventions, the major companies collect union dues from their employees and gives them to the officially recognised right wing union and not to the CNM-CUT which has the bulk of the membership. 
South Africa 
1994 was a turning point in South Africa and the trade unions played a major role in the first democratic elections, resulting in the election of the ANC Government. 
 However, the opening-up of our market resulted in many companies, which were previously protected by import tariffs, being forced into bankruptcy, resulting in widespread unemployment with many of the former factories becoming warehouses for imported goods. 

Collective bargaining takes place at the national, as well as at the company and plant-level. We negotiate 2 or 3 year contracts with automatic cost of living compensation. All trade unions meet to agree to a common platform of demands, before meeting management. 

There is a serious lack of investment in the necessary infrastructure, with many rural areas having no electricity supplied and often where it is, the workers cannot afford to pay for it. 

Billiton was a major employer in South Africa with more than 4,000 workers at four sites. Now employment has fallen by 75% and the company has invested in a new aluminium smelter in Mozambique, with the eventual intention of shutting down their South African operations, as it pays its Mozambique workers one seventh of that paid in South Africa and will be exempt from paying any taxes for several years, while they are able to purchase surplus energy production from ASCOM -- the South African public utility, at a much lower price than it pays in South Africa. 

Furthermore the workers at the Mozambique plant were forced to accept a no-union contract. 

Russia 
The Metalworkers' Union in Russia is only 10 years old, and although this has been a very difficult time, we have found our place in the Russian and international trade union movement. 

103,000 trade union members are employed in the Russian Aluminium sector, with Rusky Aluminy and Sual representing 70% and 20% respectively. 

As domestic demand is improving, we are increasing secondary transformation production and reducing the level of exports. And while the companies are seeking to reduce the level of established social provisions, we are defending them very vigorously. 

Ghana 
The aluminium industry has one 150,000 tpa primary smelter along with a hydro-electric dam and an excellent education system, which were all a part of the vision of the founding fathers when Ghana achieved its independence from British rule 44 years ago yesterday. The country, which had been subject to 24 years of military dictatorship, is in a sorry state, but elected a democratic government in December 2000. 

In summing up the issues raised in the meeting, Dick Davis stressed the need for workers to share the information they gained during the course of this meeting, and in particular to let Alcoa management know how disillusioned you are with their behaviour. 

A joint OH &amp; S meeting is one possibility and this will be put in our negotiating package when we meet Alcoa management on the 17th May. 

We also pledge ourselves to continue cooperating with the AFL-CIO to help our colleagues in the Alcoa plants in Mexico form a trade union and negotiate a better standard of living for themselves and their families. 


____________meeting terminated______________

The following is a short report of the USWA international conference on aluminium, held in Las Vagas on March 5-7, 2001.

USWA Aluminium Conference

SPAIN: April 28 marks the &quot;International Day to Commemorate Dead and Injured Workers&quot;. Trade unions worldwide have begun making plans to remember those workers who have either died or been injured in the course of their professional activity. Leading up to actions related to April 28, the trade unions in Spain have announced their intention to hold a national general strike on April 27. The one-hour strike will take place from 12 noon to 1 p.m. during which there will be a moment of silence as well as a public reading about the increase in fatality rates at the workplace. Major themes for events, which are being organised by the trade union confederations CC.OO. and UGT, will be deaths and injuries related to temporary work, subcontracting, immigrant labour as well as age and gender factors. According to the Trade Union Occupational Health, Safety and Environment Working Party, the first countries to officially adopt some form of national commemoration day related to workers&#039; health and safety are Spain, Canada and Thailand. The Spanish government approved a decree three years ago for the observance of April 28. Spain currently has an average of five workers die EVERY DAY as a result of unsustainable forms of production.

Health and safety in the workplace is the focus for April 28.

Spain to commemorate&lt;br&gt;dead and injured workers

POLAND: Eight workers have been on a hunger strike at Katowice Steelworks in southern Poland since March 8. The strikers started their sit-in to protest the decision by banks to withdraw credits from the financially troubled company. 
According to the Polish news agency PAP, protests first began a month ago with a demonstration in Katowice by 2,000 people who were demanding talks with the government. A spokesperson for the IMF-affiliated Solidarity trade union, which represents workers at the plant, said that although a delegation of hunger strikers did meet with government officials at the end of last week, there was little hope that their discussions would produce concrete results. 
Katowice Steelworks is Poland's largest steel producer, with a 5 million ton annual capacity.

Steelworkers protest the further weakening of Katowice Steelworks.

Hunger strike in Poland

Development of trade union structures dates from the start of the industrialisation process, more than 150 years ago. At that time, transnational companies (TNCs) did not exist and most workers were employed in huge, workforce-intensive plants. 
Trade union structures were built up in order to strengthen solidarity between workers in different companies and regions. A great deal of emphasis was put on regional and national structures, and not on company level. 
Industrial production is nowadays dominated by TNCs, although most workers are employed in small- and medium-sized industries -- at least this is the reality in our sectors. 
The TNCs have created a new situation: 
- Companies operate worldwide. 
- Workers in the same company often think they have more in common than workers in the same country. 
- In the name of competition, TNCs have created a situation to pit workers in one country against those of another. 
- Globalisation is creating a world that undermines existing trade union structures. 
There is no doubt about the fact that TNCs are important for the global economy and for jobs. They play an important role for development and weigh heavily in the decision-making system in many countries and international organisations. 
For the trade union movement worldwide, TNCs are an important problem, which will have to be kept constantly under review. To counterbalance their increasing power, the International Metalworkers' Federation established in the 1960s World Councils for the automobile industry. It was an American initiative driven by the UAW. The goals are to strengthen links between workers in the same company all over the world, wherever the company concerned is operating. 
This was meant to be a supplement, not in contradiction to the struggle conducted in every country which aims at negotiating nation-wide agreements. 
To date, the IMF has set up over 30 World Company Councils in various sectors of the metal industry. The IMF World Councils are trade union forums. 
The 1997 IMF World Congress, in San Francisco, decided to develop an IMF model Code of Conduct and to seek agreements on the Code with TNCs for which the IMF operates World Company Councils. A special working party was set up to deal with these specific issues and make proposals to the IMF Executive Committee on behalf of the general secretary. The Executive discussed and unanimously decided to adopt a Code of Conduct for TNCs, to be submitted to a number of TNCs for negotiations. 
Now that we have the instrument, the question is what do we do with it? 
It is extremely important that we do not let the TNCs determine what to do and how to do it. Negotiations have started in various TNCs at the initiative of national and local unions. It is especially in companies where industrial relations have been good for a long time that it is easier to conduct negotiations of this kind. 
But the fact that a union in a company has good relations with management in one place does not necessarily mean that unions in the same company in other parts of the world are enjoying the same benefit. There are many differences in traditions and ways of acting which are sensitive and will have to be taken into consideration when a union is determining which strategy and tactic to adopt in implementing our programme. 
Many TNCs adopt different tactics for different countries. Most of the unions in Europe have no problems as their existence is recognised in labour law, both national and European, but in many other parts of the world, both in industrialised and developing countries, the struggle for the right to have a union is a daily one. 
A Code of Conduct is a global agreement with a transnational company implementing internationally-recognised labour rights in its own operations, and pressuring its suppliers to implement them as well. Such a Code can only be negotiated in cooperation with national and international labour organisations. 
So, what do I suggest? 
- All IMF affiliates should have comprehensive information about the policy documents adopted by the IMF Executive and Central Committees. 
- The question of the TNCs and Code of Conduct will have to be part and parcel of national training programmes promoted and carried out by IMF affiliates. 
- The IMF coordinates the negotiations and is co-signatory together with national and/or local unions of international agreements. 
- A working group will have to be set up in each individual case. 
- There must be a follow-up of the implementation of the agreements by special committees which include both the unions and management. 
I believe this is a vital question for the entire trade union movement. 
I believe in dialogue and discussion, if this is based on reciprocal respect and recognition. 
This can only happen if we have a collective agreement.

Be cautious with&lt;br&gt;transnational&lt;br&gt;company councils

PAKISTAN: The trade union movement of Pakistan has vehemently condemned the government for recently promulgating Ordinance No. V, 2001, whereby the government can dismiss or send into forced retirement any government official without an enquiry. 
This decree, says the Pakistan Metalworkers Federation, an IMF affiliate, is contrary to the country's constitution and against all human rights, especially the right to natural justice. 
The trade unions are demanding the repeal of this Ordinance, which they call a "Black Law" in the history of Pakistan, and are asking for a complaint to be lodged with the International Labour Organisation in order to compel the government to repeal the law.

Pakistan Metalworkers' Federation wants to compel the government to withdraw the new law.

Ordinance allows dismissals without enquiry

KOREA,REP: Fighting between riot police and workers erupted once again when Korean carmaker Daewoo reopened its Pupyong plant, 30 kilometers west of Seoul, on March 7. 
The company had closed the plant for three weeks claiming a growing inventory of unsold cars, but Daewoo union officials stated the real reason was company efforts to put an end to protests by laid off workers. On February 16, 2001, the company announced the dismissal of 1,785 workers at the Pupyong plant, where 4,327 have already been laid off since 1999. Management is introducing drastic restructuring measures in an attempt to make the financially troubled carmaker more attractive to foreign buyers, possibly General Motors and its partner Fiat. 
Dan Byong-ho, president of the Korean Confederation of Trade Unions insisted that not only would the protests continue but workers will be conducting nationwide demonstrations this month targetting Daewoo Motor and the government for forcing workers out of their jobs. 
In a related story, according to BBC News, an international arrest warrant has been issued by South Korea via Interpol for the former Daewoo CEO, Kim Woo-choong, who is believed to have embezzled billions of dollars in company and public funds. The Daewoo trade union and the Korean Metal Workers' Federation launched a campaign to hunt him down and sent a three-man team to Europe where Kim is believed to be hiding. While in France, the three men visited Interpol headquarters in Lyon.

An arrest warrant via Interpol has been issued for the former carmaker's CEO, Kim Woo-choong.

More conflict as Daewoo reopens

GREAT BRITAIN: On March 5, 2001, the General Motors European Works Council and GM Europe management signed a framework agreement for the resolution of restructuring at the company's Luton plant in which the continuation of vehicle production in Luton has been assured. The framework states the primary goal of both parties -- the workers' representatives and management -- is to institute actions focussing on the support of the employees and their futures. 
It is foreseen that the plant will produce the "Vivaro", a new commercial vehicle, and production of the "Frontera" will be continued. 
With regard to job security, management has stated in the framework that it will take all reasonable steps to avoid forced redundancies in relation to its restructuring scheme. To achieve this goal, such processes as part-time work, transfers to other national or international GM locations, voluntary separation programmes and early retirement may be provided. 
Upon concluding the framework, the GM European Works Council co-chair, Klaus Franz, stated that the Council "was able to resolve a very difficult issue in a positive way. European workers were able to express their united concerns based upon European solidarity among all plants." 
See the associated link for the full text of the framework agreement.

The difficult issue to "Save Vauxhall Jobs" has been resolved.

Framework agreement for GM Luton

Resistance grows over Vauxhall Luton plant                                                                                                                                                                                                                     

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