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While European trade unions on 29 September will manifest against government austerity programmes, German trade unions will use that day &ndash; and, and in fact, all of September and throughout the autumn &ndash; to oppose not only public-sector cuts but equally to vehemently condemn the ugly social dumping caused by the boom in temporary work. 
 
This stems from the DGB Congress last May, where the Congress made it a priority to campaign for equal pay, equal rights, and fixed probation periods before the exploited workers of the temporary sector are made permanent employees. Since that Congress, German unions have ramped up the political heat so much that the Christian-Democratic (CDU) Minister of Labour and Social Affairs, Ursula von der Leyen, has introduced a partial remedy in legislation that does address the downward spiral of wages brought on by more and more workers forced into temporary employment. 

But the legislation does not go far enough. 
 
Many of the major trade union affiliates of DGB, including IGBCE, IG Metall, and Ver.di, will emphasise this point in upcoming manifestations. The unions are also taking the issue into workplaces, both inside collective bargaining processes and at plant-gates in the form of protests. This month, IG Metall has introduced the &ldquo;equal pay for equal work&rdquo; principle in sector-wide negotiations in three German states. 
<img alt="" src="" width="202" height="101" />
DGB's Micheal Sommer
DGB President Michael Sommer said in the 6 September edition of newspaper Handelsblatt that German union members will abide by national laws prohibiting strikes over political issues, but &ldquo;workplace meetings and actions at plant gates&rdquo; to highlight temporary work as an abhorrent austerity measure in countering the financial crisis will occur. Sommer said this issue will also be heard loud and clear inside German work partnership structures as well. 
 
Von der Leyen&rsquo;s proposed legislation is called the &ldquo;Schlecker&rdquo; bill in reference to the large drug store chain that tried to sack all full-time workers and then re-hire them as contract employees at half their previous salaries. It would require &ldquo;equal pay for equal work&rdquo; to prevent wage dumping such as at Schlecker, with a fine of &euro;25,000 to offending businesses. 
 
But the legislation would fail to reverse the up-surge in temporary work because employers could still use short-term workers so long as they made equal payment for equal work. &ldquo;Schlecker&rdquo; also does not establish a time limit on when a temp worker must be made permanent, and it also does not include a set minimum wage for temporary workers, something that is a priority on the agenda of DGB and German unions. 
 
On average, temporary sector workers in Germany earn 30% less that full-time, permanent staff, DGB-affiliated unions have found.

Equal Rights for Temp Workers Becomes ‘Hot-Button’ in Germany

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After a sustained campaign by Bangladesh&rsquo;s garment sector trade unions, the government last week announced an 80% rise to the minimum wage for workers in the sector. The minimum wage rise, from US$24 to US$43 per month falls far short of the US$72 (5,000 taka) figure that trade unions had pushed for. 
 
According to a report released in June by the International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC), Bangladeshi garment workers are the &quot;world's most poorly paid&quot; workers. The vast majority, some 80% of the 3.5 million garment workers in Bangladesh are women, earning far less than a living wage, with many working 12-14 hour days, six days a week, under appalling and hazardous conditions. Common practice is for factory owners to not pay overtime, to pay workers late, and to pay less than the minimum wage. 
 
The target figure of US$72 per month, which the Bangladeshi government refused to implement, is approximately half the minimum wage of China. Calculations suggest that a realistic living wage in Bangladesh is around US$150 per month. 
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The government&rsquo;s decision was described as inadequate by labour leaders in the country, and was met with garment workers protesting in the streets of Dhaka, the nation&rsquo;s capital. &quot;We have tried our best to meet the demands of the workers,&quot; stated Labour Minister Khandaker Mosharraf Hossain. The country&rsquo;s garment exports, mainly to the US and Europe, are worth over US$12 billion per year, nearly 80% of the total export income of Bangladesh. 
 
Affiliates of the International Textile, Garment &amp; Leather Workers&rsquo; Federation (ITGLWF) responded to the increase with a series of demands for social benefits to supplement the minimum wage. The Bangladesh National Council (BNC) of Textiles Garment and Leather Workers called for provisions on food, housing, healthcare, and childcare if workers&rsquo; basic needs are to be met. The BNC has also urged government to implement the wage increase with immediate effect, instead of waiting until November. 
 
The ITGLWF is urging buyers to insist that their suppliers respect workers&rsquo; rights to freedom of association and to take account of the cost of paying a decent wage during price negotiations. 
 
Major retailers such as Wal-Mart, Gap, H&amp;M, Marks &amp; Spencer, and Tesco source much of their production from Bangladesh. While the international buyers are forcing prices to remain low in the so-called race to the bottom, workers are paying for it by receiving poverty-level wages. Minister of Labour Khondker Mosharraf Hossain previously stated, &quot;The problem Bangladesh faces is that giant multinational retailers will not pay for a wage increase. Every year the multinationals slash the prices they are willing to pay per unit, which drives down wages.&rdquo; 
 
Labour leaders have been forced into hiding, to escape retaliatory beatings and arrests by the Bangladeshi authorities.

Bangladesh Garment Workers Protest Low Wage Increases, Continued Repression

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The fate of 33 Chilean miners is still uncertain today, following a roof collapse on Thursday afternoon, 5 August, inside a copper and gold mine owned by Campa&ntilde;ia Minera San Esteban Primera in the country&rsquo;s northern Atacama desert. 
 
Today, a series of six holes were being bored to where the miners are thought to be. Sound-detection equipment will then be used in hopes of making contact with the miners. 
 
Rescue attempts on Saturday, 7 August, had to be suspended after further roof collapses occurred. Teams had traversed some 240 metres down ventilation shafts in efforts to reach the trapped miners when the cave-ins happened. The miners are trapped some 450 metres beneath the surface. 
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There is an emergency shelter near that level that contains food, water, and oxygen for up to 72 hours. But one miner familiar with the shelter said it was small and could not hold 33 persons. 
 
The mine has a history of underground land-slides, and only a few weeks ago a miner lost a leg after he was trapped by fallen rock. In 2007, three miners died inside the mine and an adjoining mine owned by the company due to the same set of circumstances. 
 
Both a company spokesman and a legislative deputy from the region were quoted as saying the mine area has great geological faults, particularly in its deeper regions. The Secretary-General of the San Esteban Primera Mine Workers&rsquo; Union, Javier Castillo, said workers had continually warned of the hazards inside the mine dating back to 2003. 
 
Campa&ntilde;ia Minera San Esteban is a junior Chilean mining concern that at one time was 40% owned by Cobre Mining Co., an extension of the former Aurex Resources of Vancouver, Canada. It is unclear if the North American company still has a stake in the San Esteban mine, some 800 kilometres north of Santiago near the city of Copiapo. 
 
Chile is a major global mining country that has not ratified ILO Convention 176, the Safety and Health in Mines Convention.

33 Miners Feared Dead Inside a Copper, Gold Mine in Chile

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ICEM South African affiliate, the Chemical, Energy, Paper, Printing, Wood &amp; Allied Workers Union (CEPPWAWU), is gradually agreeing to pay accords with employer associations in several industrial sectors, with disputes declared only across a few industries. CEPPWAWU is the lead union in industry-wide negotiations in some 11 of 13 manufacturing sectors, and 2010 pay awards are being reached at or just slightly above the current South African inflation rate of 7% to 7.5%. 
 
Contracts for many of the 60,000 members of CEPPWAWU and four other unions expired on 1 July 2010, although a few industrial sectors &ndash; namely, Petroleum, Glass, and the Plastics bargaining council of Metal and Engineering Industries Sector &ndash; are under longer term contracts, and only 2010 wage determinations are up this year. 
 
Adversarial bargaining generally across CEPPWAWU&rsquo;s sectors has not occurred in 2010, primarily due to attention of the recently completed World Cup games in South Africa. Some sectors reached multi-year agreements with unions in 2009 to avoid flashpoint bargaining in 2010. And in one sector, Pulp, Paper, and part of the Wood Products sector, bargaining was delayed until completion of the World Cup. 
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Disputes brought before the Commission for Conciliation, Mediation, and Arbitration (CCMA) have been lodged in the Fibreboard and Particleboard chambre, as well as in Sawmilling. Disputes were also declared in Industrial Chemicals, Pharmaceuticals, Fast-Moving Consumer Goods, and Pulp and Paper, but late in July and early August agreements were reached in those sectors. 
 
In Pulp and Paper, where the major employers are Sappi and Mondi, agreement was recently reached for an 8% increase, with shift allowance adjustments still to be determined. In Chemicals, where 12,000 workers are covered by the blanket agreement, CEPPWAWU and three smaller unions agreed to a 7.5% increase, with 0.5% to be added in January 2011. Sasol, Dow Chemical, and PetroSA are the major employers. 
 
In Pharmaceuticals, numbering about 3,000 workers, an 8% increase was achieved, retroactive to 1 July. Pfizer, Aspen, and Adcock Ingram are the leading employers. 
 
In the Furniture chambre, where the National Union of Furniture &amp; Allied Workers&rsquo; Union (NUFAWSA) is the majority union, a 7% wage increase was agreed to. In Fast-Moving Consumer Goods, an 8% increase was won for some 2,000 workers. 
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One sector that has seen a split in 2010 is the Tissue &amp; Allied Products, where Kimberly-Clark and Nampak have failed to come together in a common employers&rsquo; voice mainly due to wage disparities. Nampak has withdrawn from industry-wide talks in this sector. Meanwhile, Kimberly-Clark did reach an early wage agreement with CEPPWAWU, calling for a 2010 increase of 8%, while the union is now forced to bargain separately with Nampak. Those talks only started late last week, with the two sides scheduling second and third rounds of bargaining on 18-19 August and 30-31 August. 
 
In the sectors with multi-year agreements, CEPPWAWU and Petroleum employers now enter the second half of a two-year agreement for 13,500 workers, and a wage adjustment pegged to the 2010 inflation rate at this point &ndash; 7.25% &ndash; was paid on 1 July. In glass, another two-year agreement covering 2,200 workers, a 7% increase was made. And in Plastics, where labour and management now enter the final year of a four-year deal, 8.1% was paid out to lower salaried workers, while 7.1% was won for those at the higher end. 
 
The Particleboard and Sawmilling talks will see the government intervene in talks through the CCMA on 16 August. 
 
Roughly 75% of CEPPWAWU&rsquo;s total membership is covered under the various industry-wide bargaining forums. CEPPWAWU was born in 1999 when the Chemical Workers&rsquo; Industrial Union (CWIU) and the Paper, Printing, Wood &amp; Allied Workers&rsquo; Union (PPWAWU) merged.

Few Disputes for CEPPWAWU, South African Employers in 2010 Industrial Talks

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ICEM General Secretary Manfred Warda, in a letter to Prime Minister İrsen K&uuml;&ccedil;&uuml;k last week, expressed anger at the police violence in Cyprus on Monday, 2 August, when a peaceful protest was attacked by police in riot gear. Twenty-four trade unionists were briefly arrested. 
 
Labour relations in the territory have worsened of late, due mainly to the local administration&rsquo;s plans to reduce the size of the workforce, and remove fundamental workers&rsquo; rights. Trade unions have become especially frustrated by the refusal of İrsen K&uuml;&ccedil;&uuml;k&rsquo;s authority to meet trade union representatives over the issues. The ruling National Unity Party (UBP) was elected to govern in April 2009 on the understanding that it would not implement austerity package cuts. 
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Trade unionists gathered outside the National Assembly building in Nicosia on 2 August, protesting the proposed austerity and privatization legislation, and calling on the authority to meet with trade union leaders and discuss workers&rsquo; concerns. Among the unions protesting was the ICEM affiliate EL-SEN, the Turkish Electricity Authority of Cyprus Workers Trade Union. The peaceful protest was met with police violence, and among the 24 arrested were ten trade union presidents, including EL-SEN President Tuluy Kalyoncu. Ozan Elciner, an EL-SEN Executive Board member, was also arrested. 
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EL-SEN President Tuluy Kalyoncu
In the ICEM letter, Warda stated, &ldquo;The ICEM shares the belief of our affiliate EL-SEN that trade unions must be included in the social dialogue process and in all considerations over new legislation that will directly affect workers&rsquo; fundamental rights.&rdquo; 
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Ozan Elciner, an EL-SEN Executive Board member
As was reported in ICEM last InBrief newsletter, No. 161, EL-SEN held its Congress recently under a banner of anti-privatisation, and a strong resolution was passed condemning the authority&rsquo;s lack of progress on holding the line on privatization and misleading the public on finances of the public companies up for sale. Those include KIBTEK, the electricity provider, the telecommunications network, and the Eastern Mediterranean University (EMU).

ICEM Urges Northern Cyprus Administration End Trade Union Repression

After three days of a partial petrol blockade on the federal capital district of Abuja, Nigeria, the International Federation of Chemical, Energy, and Mine Workers&rsquo; Unions (ICEM) affiliate, Nigerian Union of Petroleum and Natural Gas Workers (NUPENG) and the union&rsquo;s tank-truck drivers, lifted the strike on 6 August. That occurred when government ministers and leaders of NUPENG and PENGASSAN, ICEM&rsquo;s Petroleum and Natural Gas Senior Staff Association affiliate, met and crafted memorandums of understanding on both the worsening conditions of Nigerian roads and the repugnant and growing use of casual labour by oil and gas companies, particularly multinational concerns. 
 
NUPENG did, however, issue a 14-day strike notice to the government on another issue: that of rehabilitation of Nigeria&rsquo;s Petroleum Products Pricing Regulatory Agency (PPPRA). If the federal government does not call together a forum to correct the lack of transparency and alleged willful mis-allocation of products to marketers, NUPENG will strike the oil and gas depots of several multinationals across the Niger Delta later in August. 
 
The Geneva, Switzerland-based ICEM supports NUPENG in its direct actions in Nigeria. 
 
&ldquo;There is serious corruption inside the allocation process of petroleum products,&rdquo; said NUPENG President Achese Igwe. &ldquo;We question the activities of the PPPRA in allocating products to marketers of unknown identity, and the PPPRA has shown no interest in revealing records or data on fuel allocations.&rdquo; 
 
Friday&rsquo;s meeting did create separate memorandums on road conditions and on casualisation. Meeting with Minister of Labour and Productivity Chukwuemeka Wogu, Minister of State for Works Chris Ogiemwonyi, officials of both the Nigerian National Petroleum Corp. (NNPC) and the Nigerian Liquefied Natural Gas Co. (NNLG), and the employers&rsquo; grouping of multinationals operating in Nigeria, the Oil Producers&rsquo; Trade Section (OPTS), leaders of NUPENG and PENGASSAN did get immediate commitments. 
 
Regarding casualisation and the ever increasing use of temporary or non-regular workers, a tripartite &ldquo;Technical Working Group on Casualisation and Contract Staffing in the Oil and Gas Sector&rdquo; was created. This working group will, between 30 and 90 days, produce a road map that will include analysis on why prior memorandums were not adhered to, and it must issue acceptable guarantees ensuring job security for casual workers. 
 
NUPENG and PENGASSAN insist that such staff, across all oil- and gas-producing companies, be given immediate opportunities for full-time staff positions if they have the prerequisite skills. When this is not possible, the unions demand that conditions of employment be published and strictly adhered to that grant temporary workers all work rights and social benefits that permanent workers get. 
 
Igwe said that the vast number of casual workers in oil and gas have no pension scheme and are without health insurance. 
 
Regarding road conditions, which has caused the deaths of eight NUPENG tanker-truck drivers in the past three months, a Roads Monitoring Team was created that will consist of two members from NUPENG. Within a two-month time frame, this team will monitor roads and determine which ones need immediate improvement. 
 
Igwe stressed the importance of this issue by stating that poor road conditions have caused unnecessary stops, resulting in robberies and kidnappings of truck drivers. The risk to public safety is also inherent since poor roads causing accidents has meant monumental disasters, considering the inflammable cargos that lorries carry. 
 
On the issue of the PPPRA, Igwe said it remains a mystery as to which ministry or department of government the pricing authority reports to. The issue of transparency and accountability by the PPPRA is all-important in Nigeria with the country about to enact the Petroleum Industry Bill. 
 
The ICEM is a Global Union Federation composed of 467 trade union affiliates in 132 countries. 
 
For further information, contact ICEM Information Officer Dick Blin at <a href="mailto:dick.blin@icem.org">dick.blin@icem.org</a>, or +41 22 304 1842 (direct) or +41 79 734 8994 (mobile).

ICEM Supports Direct Action by NUPENG in Nigeria over Roads, Casualisation

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Trade unionists of the Canadian Auto Workers (CAW) ratified a three-year labour agreement with a subsidiary of Votorantim Cimentos of Brazil on 29 July, ending a 20-week strike at a cement plant in Bowmanville, Ontario. The ratification vote, by 58%, reflected dissatisfaction by the plant&rsquo;s 87 workers for getting stuck with an inferior pension plan in two years time. 
 
And the outcome of the strike itself depicts the uneven playing field in collective negotiations when an employer can dictate terms with no law in place to prevent the use of scab labour during a dispute. 
 
The chief issue was the Brazilian company&rsquo;s subsidiary, St. Mary&rsquo;s Cement, demand that a change was necessary from a defined benefit pension plan to a defined contribution plan. Nowhere in negotiations could the company prove that the current pension plan needed the financial relief that a weaker defined contribution plan would deliver. St. Mary&rsquo;s was also seeking wage and work-rules cuts. 
 
Negotiations, which resumed only in mid-July, did see the company move on some points, but the new agreement will see the defined contribution plan take effect in September 2012. Cement workers will get a C$1,000 lump sum pay-out both in 2010 and 2011, and will get a 2% wage increase in 2012. 
<img alt="" src="" width="159" height="230" />
CAW President Ken Lewenza
CAW Local 222 members in southern Ontario did prevent the company from outsourcing quarry operations and control room positions. Under the back-to-work protocol, staff began reporting to jobs on 4 August, with the last of the workers to be back on 16 August. 
 
&ldquo;The situation we experienced at St. Mary&rsquo;s Cement over the last number of months is just one example of how foreign-owned corporations, in this case Votorantim Cimentos, have been allowed to buy Canadian resource companies and wreak havoc on the workforce with few, if any, obligations to the country,&rdquo; stated CAW President Ken Lewenza. 
 
&ldquo;Congratulations to these workers for having the courage to stand up for their hard earned gains, including their pension, where our government has failed to do so.&rdquo; 
 
Votorantim is a privately-held S&atilde;o Paulo-based industrial conglomerate that controls one-third of the Brazilian cement market. It purchased Lafarge&rsquo;s Blue Circle cement operations in the US and Canada in 2001 and revived the original name of the company, St. Mary&rsquo;s Cement.

Canadian Auto Workers, Brazilian Cement Company Reach Terms

Policy positions differ in the trade union movement, both at national and international levels concerning the use of temporary work agencies. Views vary from total bans on such agencies, to partial bans, to strict regulation. There are also differences as to on what basis workers should be covered by collective bargaining agreements. However, there are certain views shared by all Global Unions. 
 
The first principle is that the primary form of employment shall be permanent, open-ended and direct employment. 
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Concerns and challenges 
 
The use of workers provided by temporary work agencies raises concerns and challenges for trade unions. This includes the effect that the use of temporary work agencies has on workers with regular and permanent employment as well as on the conditions under which work is performed by workers engaged through such agencies. The triangular relationship between the worker, the user enterprise and the temporary work agency that supplies the worker can undermine labour and social protection, as well as the effective realisation of the right of all workers to form or join trade unions and to bargain collectively. 
 
Agency workers must be specifically guaranteed the right to join a union with a collective bargaining relationship with the user enterprise and be part of a bargaining unit comprising direct employees of the user enterprise and be covered by all collective bargaining agreements applying to the user-enterprise. 
 
Using temporary work agencies as a way of replacing direct and permanent employment 
 
There may be legitimate demand-driven or business reasons for using temporary agency workers, including surges of work and seasonal employment, although such work can also be performed through direct employment. However, not all reasons for using temporary agency work are related to staff shortages or the &ldquo;fluctuation of business&rdquo; and it has become common to use temporary agency workers to fill previously permanent and direct positions and to reduce costs. Increasingly, workers provided by agencies are used to fill &ldquo;core&rdquo; jobs but are not given any opportunity to transition to direct permanent employment. In a growing number of instances, entire workforces are provided by temporary work agencies. 
 
Using temporary work agencies to adversely change employment conditions, avoid social responsibilities and evade laws 
 
Employers often use temporary agencies in order to avoid their legal obligations. This can and does lead to abuses such as social dumping and all kinds of discrimination. Work then becomes precarious and workers are denied the employment rights and working conditions to which they would otherwise be entitled. Sometimes these agencies are creations by the company or employer concerned, with the user enterprise becoming the sole client. 
 
Workers provided by agencies frequently receive significantly lower compensation than regular employees performing the same work. Such workers are also often not entitled to the same levels of social protection, such as retirement provision, the right to unemployment compensation, sickness benefits or maternity leave. Employers commonly do not invest sufficiently in the education or training of agency-supplied workers. Inadequate education and training may undermine the quality of service provided by the agency workers, while lack of training on health and safety increases the risk of occupational accidents and diseases. 
 
The cost of downsizing is lower if temporary agency workers are engaged because ending a commercial contract is often less costly than terminating an employment relationship. In various countries and sectors, the financial crisis resulted therefore in massive job losses for temporary agency workers, who are not generally entitled to any of the compensations that are required to be paid in the case of forced redundancies. This experience heightens the danger that as economies recover, employers will increasingly favour temporary agency work as a means to avoid the costs of terminating regular employees. This would add additional instability and volatility to the economy. 
 
Where more and more workers are made &ldquo;disposable&rdquo;, many business risks are shifted from employers to workers. 
 
Using temporary work agencies to weaken trade unions, avoid collective bargaining or prevent union organising 
 
Employers are, at times, deliberately using temporary work agencies to reduce the number of workers covered by collective bargaining at their enterprises or to prevent unorganised sections of the workforce from seeking union representation and exercise their right to bargain with the user enterprise, which effectively controls terms and conditions of employment. 
 
One of the principal reasons why workers do not form or join trade unions is fear of discrimination or dismissal. Temporary agency employment increases this fear because it is a way to avoid dismissal legislation, which has the effect of, indirectly, protecting the right to organise. Too often, contracts are simply ended. In addition, temporary agency employment reduces the workers&rsquo; stake in an enterprise, as well as the opportunity to participate in trade unions. 
 
The use of workers supplied by temporary work agencies to replace striking workers or to undermine industrial action at a user enterprise is a serious violation of trade union rights. 
 
Using temporary work agencies as a means of exploitation. 
 
Where temporary work agencies are permitted to operate, they must be properly regulated and monitored in order to prevent abuses of workers, such as human trafficking or fee charging in cross border placements. When agencies involved in recruiting workers in one country for work in another country charge fees to the workers concerned instead of to the user enterprise, those abuses lead to extreme exploitation, including bonded or slave labour. All recruitment fees, including visa, transportation and hiring fees, must therefore always be borne by the user enterpriser. 
<img src="" width="95" height="95" alt="" />
 
Fundamental principles on temporary work agencies 
 
&bull; The primary form of employment shall be permanent, open-ended and direct employment. 
 
&bull; Workers provided by temporary work agencies must be accorded equal treatment and opportunities, including equal pay for equal work, with regular and permanent employees with respect to terms and conditions of employment. 
 
&bull; Workers employed through temporary work agencies must have a recognised and enforceable written contract of employment, specifying their terms and conditions of employment. 
 
&bull; Where agencies are permitted to operate, they must be strictly regulated, including through licensing. 
 
&bull; Temporary work agencies must not be used to eliminate permanent and direct employment relationships, diminish the conditions under which work is performed, avoid collective bargaining relationships with trade unions or effectively make it impossible for an agency worker to join a trade union. 
 
&bull; Employers should consult trade unions before agency workers are used and negotiate over any effects that the use of these agency workers might have on regular employees, on working conditions or on the collective agreement. 
 
&bull; The use of temporary agencies should be restricted to cases of legitimate need. As a minimum, there should be defined limits on the use of agency workers, as well as restrictions on the duration of such employment. 
 
&bull; Workers provided by temporary work agencies must be guaranteed access to information on health and safety regulations in the workplace and be given the same equipment, induction and training as permanent workers. 
 
&bull; Adequate and continuous social protection for agency workers, including social security coverage, must be ensured by employers and government alike. 
 
&bull; Temporary work agencies must treat workers without discrimination on the basis of race, ethnic origin, colour, sex, sexual orientation, religion, political opinion, nationality, social origin, age, disability or any other form of discrimination. Appropriate regulatory frameworks (governmental, co-regulation or self-regulation) on private employment agencies should include and promote these principles, rights and obligations. These include the minimum standards outlined in ILO Convention No. 111. 
 
&bull; Given the general over-representation of women in agency employment and the disparity in wages between permanent and agency workers, particular attention must be given to ensure that the equal pay provisions of Convention No. 100 are applied, including equal pay for work of equal value. 
 
&bull; The ILO should play a much more active role in ensuring that temporary employment agencies respect basic labour standards, as well as in collecting data on abuses and best practices, while at the same time monitoring and analysing trends in employment in both the private and public employment agency sector. This research should focus on issues relating to the economic crisis and the Global Jobs Pact. The Global Unions should participate in this work. 
 
&bull; Workers supplied by temporary work agencies must never be used to replace striking workers or undermine industrial action. 
 
&bull; Temporary work agencies must not charge any fees to workers for dispatching them. 
 
&bull; The user-enterprise must be held liable for all financial and other obligations with respect to temporary agency workers should the agency fail to honour its responsibilities. 
 
 
Principles of public policy with respect to temporary agency work 
 
&bull; Governments have the responsibility to protect the interests of society in stable employment relationships and to ensure the applicability of labour law, the branch of law developed to protect workers in both public and private sectors, in their unequal relationship with employers. 
 
&bull; Governments can limit or ban the use of temporary work agencies in order to protect these broader societal interests. 
 
&bull; Government must set strict regulations and licensing conditions if agencies are permitted to operate. 
 
&bull; Governments should consult trade unions on issues related to working and employment conditions of the agency workers, as well as on conditions of use of temporary agency work prior to making changes in the regulatory framework. 
 
&bull; The respective roles, obligations and rights of the workers, the temporary work agency and the enterprise using the worker must be clarified when there is an employment relationship between a temporary work agency and a worker. 
 
&bull; Governments must take genuine and concrete measures such as changes in legislation to ensure that workers dispatched by temporary work agencies are able to effectively exercise their right to join or form trade unions. This includes the right to join a union with a collective bargaining relationship with the user enterprise and be part of a bargaining unit comprising direct employees of the user enterprise and be covered by all collective bargaining agreements applying to the user-enterprise. 
 
&bull; Governments should strengthen labour inspection, including through providing adequate resources, in order to effectively apply labour law and regulations to employment via temporary work agencies. 
 
&bull; Governments should provide effective mechanisms to protect all workers from health and safety hazards and ensure health &amp; safety conditions of temporary agency workers are the same as of permanent ones. Governments should introduce sanctions for user-enterprises, public and private, not complying with health &amp; safety requirements. 
 
 
Migrant workers dispatched through temporary agencies face specific problems. 
 
&bull; Migrant workers should receive details of their living and working conditions in a language they understand before leaving their country of origin. 
 
&bull; Governments must take active measures to prevent human trafficking and the exploitation of migrant workers by labour intermediaries, both public and private, including temporary work agencies. 
 
&bull; Governments should ensure that immigration legislation governing migrant workers recruited through agencies does not conflict with labour laws by imposing restrictions on migrant workers&rsquo; rights to join trade unions or bargain collectively. 
 
&bull; Workers should not be required to pay deposits, visa, transportation and hiring fees. In the case of agencies dispatching workers to other countries, the agencies should be required to repatriate workers in the event that their employment ends or the user company disappears. 
 
&bull; Workers must not be required to surrender their passports or other travel or identity documents. 
 
&bull; Temporary migrant workers should have full rights to legal redress in the country where they work.

Global Union Principles on Temporary Work Agencies

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Svetlana Klochok was elected to lead the ICEM affiliate, Belarusian Chemical, Miners&rsquo;, and Oil Workers&rsquo; Union (Belchimprofsoyuz) early this month, despite heavy intrusion by the national labour centre Federation of Trade Unions of Belarus (FPB) and its president, Leonid Kozik. The election and Belchimprofsoyuz&rsquo;s Fifth Congress took place on 3 June in Minsk. 

During the final week of preparations for the Congress, strong pressure was exerted on the 197 delegates to place into leadership a colleague of Kozik&rsquo;s. The effort failed and Klochok won in a free and democratic vote of delegates, signaling a very strong slap to FPB for meddling in the internal affairs of an affiliated union. 

<img src="" width="240" height="244" alt="" />
Klochok had served as Vice President of the union. She succeeds Ludmila Grushetskaya who, after many years leading the union, decided not to run for re-election. 
 
The Congress took note of the global financial crisis, and despite it, the Belchimprofsoyuz secretariat reported the union did remarkably well in protecting working collectives, particularly in the oil and chemical industries. It achieved higher salary levels and maintained the number of jobs at levels near the number before the crisis. 
 
Some 90% of all workers in Belchimprofsoyuz&rsquo;s sectors are union members. The union&rsquo;s membership is 153,000, and it added 12,000 new members over the past four years. 
The Congress was attended by international trade union delegates from Russia and Italy, and the ICEM was represented by its Central Europe and Eastern Europe/Central Asia Coordinator Anatoly Surin. 
 
The ICEM welcomes the new President of Belchimprofsoyuz, Svetlana Klochok, and looks forward to continued good and fruitful relations with the Belarusian union.

Belarus Affiliate Wards Off National Centre Interference, Elects Democratic President

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From 1-3 June, the second meeting of unions organizing in Spanish multinationals was held in Bogot&aacute;. It was attended by 25 trade unions from across Latin America. The meeting was organized by ISCOD, the Spanish Trade Union Development Institute that is connected to one of Spain&rsquo;s national labour centres, the UGT, as well as ICEM and Union Network International (UNI). 
 
The main objective of the meeting was to monitor the activities and to provide for measures to assure trade union rights are adhered to in Spanish multinationals. The activities must be geared to strengthening union organization, promoting unity processes, and reinforcing trade union alliances as well as campaigns for equality. 
 
Representatives were present from the private oil and gas workers&rsquo; federation of Argentina, CNQ Brazil, Sintraelecol of Colombia, and UGT delegates from Endesa, Gas Natural-Fenosa, and Repsol in Spain. 
 
One of the aims of holding the meeting in Colombia was to address the issue of murders of trade unionists. Sub-contracting in Colombia as it contributes to union busting is a further concern. The recent passing of the Free Trade Agreement between Colombia and the European Union was one further topic of discussion. The meeting demanded assurances for respecting trade unions, citizens and consumers.
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ICEM Latin American/Caribbean Region Vice Presdient Sergio Novais&nbsp;
Sergio Novais, ICEM Vice-President for the Latin American/Caribbean Region, said, &ldquo;At this second meeting, we insist that multinationals have the same conduct in Latin America as they do at home. In the specific case of Colombia, there is no guarantee that trade union leaders can perform their duties with impunity. ICEM has seven affiliates in Colombia, and leaders of all of them have to carry out their activities with bodyguards. We have been denouncing this outrage for many years.&rdquo; 
 
The participants were concerned about the impacts of the crisis in Spain and the possible effects on Spanish multinationals and their employees in Latin America. A more profound exchange of experience was seen to be one way to avoid abuses. This project is on-going through the auspices of ISCOD and ICEM&rsquo;s Spanish affiliate, the FIA-UGT, who are thanked and congratulated for their support.

Murders, Union Rights Discussed at Observatory of Spanish Firms in Bogotá Meeting

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