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In late October, the Canadian Auto Workers (CAW) Union made a bold statement that it would unequivocally reject concessionary contract proposals from auto parts manufacturers. It drew a line in the sand with noon-hour demonstrations at over 100 employers in the province of Ontario. (See ICEM report <a href="/en/78-ICEM-InBrief/4084-Canadian-Auto-Parts-Workers-Hold-Day-of-Action ">here</a>.) 
 
Well, that line is fast proving to be a brick wall in which the no retreat mantra is being used against companies that seek worker givebacks in collective agreements. In the days and weeks after the 27 October manifestations, CAW local branches at two auto-parts suppliers have not only brought the national union&rsquo;s militancy into practice, but managed to carve out meaningful job security gains in renewal agreements. 
 
At Magna&rsquo;s Integram Seating plant in Tecumseh, Ontario, CAW Local 444 and its 725 members used a strike deadline to beat back threats to a collective agreement. A strike would have shut auto-assembly production at a nearby Chrysler minivan factory in Windsor, and that was something Integram managers needed to avoid. 
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The result was a two-year collective agreement that even though freezes wages, does grant two lump-sum bonus payments for workers. It also includes a cost-of-living adjustment in the final quarter of the second year, with a commitment to include cost-of-living increases in the subsequent labour agreement. What&rsquo;s more, improvements were made in post-retirement benefits, including age reduction from 60 to 55 for workers with 30 years service to qualify for full pension benefits. 
 
Ironically, the threat of an Integram strike and shutdown at Chrysler actually protected Local 444&rsquo;s future right to strike. Magna sought to tie the plant into the Framework of Fairness Agreement, a joint CAW-Magna 2007 arrangement that prohibits strikes at new company facilities in exchange for fair play regarding organizing efforts. Local 444 rejected imposition of that framework in this labour agreement. 
 
The other CAW success story occurred at thriving and ever-expanding Martinrea International, a Canadian-based metal-stamping chassis and frame supplier that also sells other auto parts to Chrysler, Ford, GM, and Volkswagen. At two Ontario plants of the company, Ridgetown and Dresden, CAW Local 127 since September had faced deep contractual reductions, including pay cuts from C$21-per-hour to C$14, elimination of the pension plan, cuts to health benefits, and to paid time off. 
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The 375 union members at the two plants rejected the company&rsquo;s backward proposals at a 30 October union meeting, and sent a strong message that Martinrea did not need relief and that Local 127 would set an example for the CAW&rsquo;s Auto Parts Workers&rsquo; United campaign. 
 
The result was Martinrea completely backed off the concessions and the union won first-ever job security language. Even though the three-year agreements at the two plants contain no wage increases, Local 127 won guarantees that neither plant would face shutdowns or reductions-in-force, and also guarantees that future engineered products will not be outsourced but done in the CAW-represented plants. 
 
The new labour agreements at Martinrea stand as testament that CAW workers will have a voice in production decisions. 
 
The CAW&rsquo;s auto-parts campaign &ndash; one of unyielding rank-and-file belief that contractual retreat does not guarantee job security &ndash; is taking hold in Canada and serves as an excellent example of grass-roots activism meant to resist social cuts and preserve living and work standards. Congratulations, CAW!

CAW’s Auto Parts Campaign Paying Off

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A series of protests by Ukrainian trade unions has succeeded in delaying for now consideration of bitter amendments to the country&rsquo;s labour code by the Verkhovna Rada, its Parliament. The delay, mustered by a combination of trade union and opposition party pressure, means that the ILO will now have an opportunity to assess the revisions and make recommendations under its labour standards and laws process. 
 
On 17 November, in a letter to Ukraine Prime Minister Mykola Azarov, the ICEM signaled its desire that the labour code revisions be put on hold. That letter can be found <a href="/wp-content/migration/icem/140%20Prime%20Minister%20Ukraine.pdf">here</a>. 
 
Two days earlier, some 100 trade union demonstrators gathered in front of the Rada to protest the ruling party&rsquo;s rush to enact the law. At the time, a conciliation council of committee leaders and opposition leaders was meeting to take direction on the draconian measure. 
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Besides waiting on the ILO&rsquo;s recommendation, trade unions seek full parliamentary hearings on the proposed changes. The draft revisions were submitted to the ILO in July and it is hoped that an opinion will be rendered late this month or in December. 
 
The proposed revisions include lifting the standard work week from 40 hours to 48; reducing the amount of time for redundancy notice from 60 days to two weeks; and granting employers at small enterprises the option to reduce remuneration. 
 
In addition, a revision would weaken or even eliminate collective agreements by giving employers unilateral regulatory discretion over labour relations. One labour leader predicted that if this latter provision was enacted that within six months, up to 70% of Ukrainian employers would either terminate existing agreements, or avoid signing new ones. 
 
The ICEM stated that such revisions would be contrary to both international labour standards, as well as European standards.

Ukrainian Unions Succeed in Deferring Regressive Revisions to Labour Law

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Members of two ICEM affiliates in Belgium carried out a 24-hour strike at two glass factories in western Flanders on Friday, 26 November, as an immediate response to Japanese-based Asahi Glass&rsquo;s decision to radically downsize two AGC (formerly Glaverbel) plants near Zeebrugge. In an extraordinary meeting of the company&rsquo;s board a day earlier, the board failed to give reason why it would eliminate 101 of 297 jobs at AGC Zeebrugge and AGC Seapane. 
 
The strike was carried out by De Algemene Centrale ABVV, ICEM&rsquo;s Socialist affiliate in Belgium, and by Algemeen Christelijk Vakverbond ACV, the Christian affiliate. The company must still negotiate with the unions over the redundancies. 
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The announcement is the second major restructuring by Asahi in Belgium in just over a year and the fourth in ten years. In October 2009, AGC Automotive caused industrial unrest in the Wallonia region of Belgium by making redundant over 200 of 475 workers employed at a factory in Fleurus and an administrative centre in Seneffe. 
 
Last week&rsquo;s announcement in Flanders comes as a blow to a pair of factories that have a reputation for innovation, advanced technical design, and high-value glass applications among Asahi&rsquo;s worldwide operations. The company also announced job sackings, numbering between 60 and 90, at glass production facilities in Kryry, Czech Republic, the AGC Klin factory near Moscow, and one in The Netherlands. 
 
In addition to the planned 101 sackings in Zeebrugge, eight temporary workers will be let go. 
 
At the ACG Zeebrugge factory, a maker of automobile mirrors and high-value glass used in the furniture industry, 72 of 176 jobs are proposed to be cut. At ACG Seapane, a maker of heat-insulated glazed architectural glass used in the construction industry that had seen its job ranks grow up through last year, 29 of 121 workers are scheduled for redundancies. 
 
ABVV Regional Secretary Luc Geerardyn said the board&rsquo;s decision last week is flawed. He said AGC failed to provide any hard evidence for the proposed sackings, nor did it provide any financial figures to justify the decision.

Belgian Glass Workers Strike Over Asahi’s Unwarranted Job Cuts

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The President of the Union of Workers&rsquo; of the Collahuasi Copper Mine, Manuel Mu&ntilde;oz, told the ICEM on Friday, 26 November, that the 24-day copper strike in Chile&rsquo;s northern Region I now enters a pivotal period. There is strong likelihood that mass violence could break out because of threatening, strong-arm tactics of company-controlled local police in Iquique, as well as by federal police. 
 
The company is Do&ntilde;a Ines de Collahuasi, a leading global copper producer owned by Xstrata, AngloAmerican, with a smaller share held by Japan&rsquo;s Mitsui &amp; Co. The lurking possibility of violence surrounds the union&rsquo;s daily peaceful manifestations in the city of Iquique, 185 kilometres from the open cast copper mines of Collahuasi. 
 
What is exasperating Sindicato de los Trabajadores de Collahuasi are company efforts to break the strike by offering individual miners a bonus and pay increase &ndash; above what it is offering the union &ndash; to quit the strike and return to work. Labour law in Chile allows workers to abandon a work stoppage and return to work after 15 days on strike without the union imposing repercussions. If over 50% of a workforce does that, the strike can be legally terminated. 
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Mu&ntilde;oz told the ICEM that as of early Friday, 100 of the 1,551 miners had accepted the offer and abandoned the strike, even though a local court ruling last week deemed that illegal. Collahuasi has inflamed tensions by making direct appeals to family members and coercing them to convince husbands and fathers to quit the strike. 
 
Collahuasi is nowhere near the 50% mark, and the company&rsquo;s strike-breaking tactic is reflected in the fact that it has extended the deadline for individual workers to accept the enhanced pay package. The copper mining concern said ten days ago that the deadline for strikers to accept a bonus of 14 million pesos (US$28,733) and a 42-month pay increase of 16.3% was midnight on 23 November. 
 
But even after stating early on 23 November that the deadline would not be extended, Collahuasi did just that later in the day, extending it until midnight 26 November. 
 
Mu&ntilde;oz is less concerned about Collahuasi breaking the strike than he is about police and renegade thugs that side with the company precipitating violence. 
&ldquo;We are in a state of worry because our strategy of peaceful protests might be met with violent conflict,&rdquo; he said. &ldquo;There is frustration by our members because of company tactics including coercion on families and this has not helped.&rdquo; 
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The union has attempted to re-start negotiations, both with a direct appeal to Chile&rsquo;s Labour Minister and an offer by Roman Catholic Bishop Marco Antonio &Oacute;rdenes to mediate the pitched copper dispute. Collahuasi has rejected the offer by the Catholic bishop, while the Labour Ministry told the union that its efforts ended in the run-up to the strike when it fulfilled its lawful duties by offering mediation services once the parties hit impasse. 
 
There was a small ray of light on 25 November when an Iquique Labour Court Judge, Marcela Diaz M&eacute;ndez, issued an order stating that under Section 492 of the Labour Code, the company has a legal obligation to declare collective negotiations with the union not complete. The order thus negates direct appeals to workers to abandon the strike. It is expected that Collahuasi will appeal the judge&rsquo;s order. 
 
For the Union of Workers&rsquo; of Collahuasi, the strike is about far more than gaining adequate pay and bonus claims against a mining enterprise that saw net earnings last year of US$1.56 billion. The union is also seeking an increase in company-paid health coverage from 80% to 100%, and education benefits for children of miners hiked from 50% to 100%. 
 
The health issue is a major concern. Collahuasi is located in the Atacama Desert, some 4,000 metres high in the Andes where oxygen levels are low and stress on the body is high. As well, a US$750 million mine expansion is underway that will lift production from the current 550,000 tonnes per year to one million tonnes, with new mining areas to be located in altitudes of 5,000 metres. 
 
In these open-cast copper mines, workers are exposed to dust clouds containing crystalline silica particles from crushed rock. Such conditions are prone to miners contracting silicosis, a deadly lung disease.

Chile’s Collahuasi Copper Strike Now in Crucial Stage

<img alt="" src="" style="width: 140px;height: 78px" width="390" />The abuse of basic labour rights in Iraq, and the bravery of Iraqi workers to continue to organise under extreme pressure of aggressive employers supported by viciously anti-trade union legislation from the Saddam era is continuing. A raft of recent attacks on trade union activity of oil workers is attracting wide condemnation from international trade unions, and includes fines, forced demotions, and relocation of union officials.Join the <a href="http://www.labourstartcampaigns.net/show_campaign.cgi?c=1390">LabourStart campaign</a>&nbsp;and join thousands sending messages to the Iraqi government, condemning the continued repression of oil worker trade unions, and calling for a proper labour law that brings the country in line with international standards.The Court of Appeal has ruled against Ibrahim Radi, vice-president of the Iraqi Federation of Oil Unions (IFOU), confirming a fine of 34 million Iraqi dinars (US$30,000), an amount far beyond the trade union leader&rsquo;s ability to pay. In case of non-payment, Radi will face jail, and also the possible dismissal from his job. Hassan Jumaa Awad Al Assadi, President of IFOU calls for solidarity and assistance from trade union comrades abroad.&nbsp;<img alt="" height="266" src="" width="200" />Hassan JumaaIFOU President Hassan Jumaa has himself recently been disciplined for trade union activity, being arbitrarily demoted three years seniority including a substantial drop in salary.In May 2011 ICEM reported on the Sadrist-controlled Ministry of Labour controlling trade union elections, appointing a &ldquo;Ministerial Preparatory Committee&rdquo; (MPC), consisting of un-elected, politically bias officials, mostly from the Sadrist Party. MPC officials distributed union membership cards, arbitrarily choosing members favourable to their faction. Union offices were taken over with support from police and military personnel, and the union elections were held inside the Sadrist Party offices. Following international outcry, those election results were voided, but today the Ministry of Labour recognised the 2011 election results and asked the same preparatory committee to oversee a new round of worker elections on 2 June. The elections stand to appoint worker representatives at all levels, and will be marred with fraud and misconduct.

Support New LabourStart Campaign for Iraqi Oil Workers

ICEM Women’s Bulletin: June 2012

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Over 200 Global Mining and Maritime trade unions representing millions of workers around the world met in Durban, South Africa at the fourth International Mining and Maritime Conference. The conference has previously been held in Australia and the USA and was being held for the first time in Africa. The conference was hosted by the South African Trade Unions participating in the initiative. These Trade Unions are NUM, SATAWU, and CEPPWAWU. Most of the National Unions participating in the Mining and Maritime initiative are affiliates of the ICEM and participate in their individual capacities. The Mining and Maritime initiative is an independent loose alliance of national trade unions across the globe in the Mining and Maritime value chain, committed to global solidarity across the value chain of the Mining and Maritime industries. 
 
Intensive deliberations were held over three days of the conference on a wide range of issues across the mining and maritime value chain. A declaration was adopted at the end of the conference that commits the initiative to a plan of action in the next three years before the next conference. 
<img alt="" src="" width="360" height="73" />
Unlike previous conferences, the Durban conference reflected the influence and articulation of African Trade Union issues and agenda and this was extensively covered in the Declaration. Noteworthy in the declaration was the establishment of a truest fund to support the SATAWU initiative to recognize, albeit posthumously, Akhona Geveza, a victim of sexual assault and murder in the workplace, while on a Maritime scholarship in Australia 
 
The ICEM President, Senzeni Zokwana opened the conference and ICEM General Secretary, Manfred Warda, was one of the key note speakers at the conference. Both leaders gave the assurance of the ICEM&rsquo;s support for the initiative&rsquo;s solidarity campaigns and programmes. 
 
The ICEM&rsquo;s Mining Officer, Glen Mpufane gave a presentation on the State of the Current Global Extractive Resources Industries, which was well received by the conference delegates. The Chairperson of the Initiative, Mick Doleman, recognized the presentation as an invaluable resource material for the Mining and Maritime. 
 
Conference delegates declared continued support for the global campaign for Los Mineros in Mexico, development of a global network of unions at mining multinational Vale, and to reenergise the Rio Tinto global network. The declaration prioritised the fight for women&rsquo;s rights and participation. Specific support was pledged to the International Longshore and Warehouse Union (ILWU) Local 21 in their fight for good jobs at EGT Development&rsquo;s grain terminal in the Port of Longview, Washington, USA. EGT Development is a joint venture of Japan-based Itochu Corp, South Korea&rsquo;s STX Pan Ocean and Bunge North America. The ILWU President Robert McEllrath surrendered himself on 26 September to authorities, as police abuse their powers to harass the Longview strikers. McEllrath was arrested on the same day as another ICEM North American trade union leader, Dave Coles of the CEP in Canada was arrested on Parliament Hill, Ottawa during a protest against the Keystone XL pipeline.

Mining and Maritime: Durban, South Africa 5-7 October 2011

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Former ICEM Sub-Sahara Africa Regional Organisation (SSARO) Chairman Rayford Mbulu was named on 1 October to be Deputy Minister for Labour, Sport, Youth and Gender in Zambia. He enters the new government of Michael Sata and the Patriotic Front Party (PF), which won Zambian elections on 23 September. 
 
Mbulu takes the government posting along with the head of the reconstituted Labour Ministry, Fackson Shamenda, former President of the Zambia Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU) and once the African Regional Secretary of Global Union Federation Uni. 
<img alt="" src="" width="180" height="169" />
Rayford Mbulu
Mbulu is past President of the Mineworkers&rsquo; Union of Zambia (MUZ), a position he was elected to in 2005 after serving as MUZ Deputy General Secretary in 2004. He left the MUZ late last year after challenging for the presidency of ZCTU. On the day of the election, he was disqualified by the Labour Minister under the previous Movement for Multiparty Democracy Party after his mining employer, state-owned Zambia Consolidated Copper Mines (ZCCM), terminated his employment. 
 
Mbulu worked for many years at ZCCM&rsquo;s Nkana Division. He served as ICEM&rsquo;s SSARO Chairman from 2007 until his resignation in March 2011. Mbulu also becomes a Member of Zambia&rsquo;s Parliament from the Kalululushi constituency in the Copperbelt. 
 
On his swearing-in, Labour, Sports, Culture and Gender Minister Shamenda said the PF leadership would work to raise the minimum wage, reduce casualisation of employment, and strive to get better working conditions for all Zambians. President Sata reduced the number of government ministries from 23 to 19, combining some ministries including Sports, Culture and Gender with Labour.

Rayford Mbulu Named Deputy Labour Minister in Zambia

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A branch union of the ICEM-affiliated National Miners&rsquo; and Metalworkers&rsquo; Union (FNTMMSP) of Peru is continuing its struggle for a decent new collective agreement at the Sociedad Minera Cerro Verde copper and molybdenum mine in southern Arequipa region. For the first time in the 40 year history of the mine, national government declared industrial action to be legal, as all 1,220 FNTMMSP members downed tools on 29 September for indefinite strike action. 
 
The legal status for the strike means the ministry of labour will arbitrate negotiations, with both sides meeting this afternoon, Monday, for talks. Striking miners are being replaced with 600 scabs and management staff in company efforts to continue production, breaching Peruvian labour law. If company negotiators continue to push regressive proposals, the union will demand the government and Congress send labour inspectors to determine operations are in line with regulations. This would paralyse all production. The branch union general secretary Leoncio Amudio Pe&ntilde;a alerted labour authorities to the pending request for inspections on 8 October. 
<img alt="" src="" width="241" height="161" />
Cerro Verde is offering workers a rise of less than US$1 per day, whereas the union seeks US$3. Local management also wants to replace future salary increases with a production bonus. As well as improved wages, strikers are demanding improved working conditions and better health and safety conditions. Branch general secretary Pe&ntilde;a reports that the company only offers solutions to 4 out of 40 union demands. Union and management positions are also far apart on the length of the agreement, with the union wanting a one-year duration and the company originally seeking 5 years, now 3. The previous agreement which expired 31 August was 3-year, but that was extended as a one off in exchange for company concessions. 
 
The strike was preceded by a 48-hour work stoppage in early September and an indefinite strike mid-September that was suspended due to a technicality making it illegal. 
 
Cerro Verde produced 312,336 tonnes of copper in 2010, 2% of the world&rsquo;s copper creating a net profit of US$1.05 billion. The open-pit mine is owned by US-based Freeport-McMoRan (53.7%), SMM Cerro Verde Nederlands (21%), a unit of the Japanese Sumitomo Corp., and Peru-based Compania de Minas Buenaventura (19.3%). Mining profits are soaring on global markets due to increased metals prices, with massively increased profit margins not shared with workers.

Peruvian Cerro Verde Miners Launch Legal Indefinite Strike

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Several hundred garment workers conducted a hunger strike in front of the National Press Club in Dhaka on 29 September, demanding payment of outstanding wages and allowances of workers at five garment factories. Protestors also sought legal compensation for dismissed workers from four garment factories. The pressure exerted achieved payment of the moneys owed by some, but not all of the employers. 
 
The strike was organised by the National Garment Workers Federation (NGWF), a highly active member trade union of the International Textile, Garment &amp; Leather Workers&rsquo; Federation (ITGLWF). The hunger strike action was followed by the submission of a memorandum to the Ministry of Labour by a five-member delegation led by NGWF General Secretary Ms Safia Parveen. The memorandum called for immediate government intervention. 
<img alt="" src="" width="214" height="160" />
Each of the five garment factory employers had failed to pay wages since July, with overtime and other payments also outstanding. This affected 900 workers at S Nahar Garments of Kawran Bazar in Dhaka city, 200 workers at Bristi Garments of Tikatuli, 200 workers work in Jas Fashion of the Dab Star group in Arambagh, 1000 workers of Reo Fashion of the Dab Star Group also in Arambagh, and 350 workers at Millennium Garments of Tikatuli. Following the protest, Bristi, Jas, Reo, and Millenium groups made the payments, with Nahar promising to pay by today. 
 
Protestors also called on the government to intervene in the struggle for compensation to illegally dismissed workers of four garment factories, 97 at Benson Apparels of Tejgaon, 30 at Riz Fashion of Matuail, 25 at Aditi Apparels of Mirpur, and 45 at Bristi Garments. All saw their jobs disappear in cost cutting efforts over the last two years. Bristi has since paid, while Aditi promised to make payments by today. 
 
Focus now concentrates on Benson and Riz fashion. 
 
Speakers called for more action from the Bangladesh Garment Manufacturers and Exporters Association (BGMEA) to whom the NGWF submitted a grievance on 15 July. See prior <a href="/en/78-ICEM-InBrief/4557-Bangladesh-Garment-Workers-Take-Hunger-Strike-Actions-over-Delinquent-Employers">ICEM report</a>.&nbsp; 
 
NGWF President Amirul Haque Amin presided over the hunger strike. Speakers included, Coordinator of the Bangladesh Garment Workers Unity Council Salauddin Swapan, General Secretary of the Bangladesh Garment Trade Union Centre Ruhul Amin, NGWF leaders Ms Safia Parveen, Mohammad Faruk Khan, Mrs Sultana Aktar, Mohammad Kabir, workers&rsquo; representatives of the affective factories spoke on the occasion, and Harun Chowdhury of the Bangladeshi Communist Party.

Bangladeshi Garment Workers’ Hunger Strike Achieves Owed Wages

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