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Global worker No1 2022

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&nbsp; English: <a href="/wp-content/migration/icem/0606ICEMHIVAIDSManualEN.pdf">/files/PDF/Key_issues_pdfs/ AIDS/0606ICEMHIVAIDSManualEN.pdf</a>French: <a href="/wp-content/migration/icem/0606ICEMHIVAIDSManualFR.pdf">/files/PDF/Key_issues_pdfs/ AIDS/0606ICEMHIVAIDSManualFR.pdf</a>Spanish: <a href="/wp-content/migration/icem/0606ICEMHIVAIDSManualSP.pdf">/files/PDF/Key_issues_pdfs/ AIDS/0606ICEMHIVAIDSManualSP.pdf</a>

Training Manual on HIV/AIDS Bargaining

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The 2008 Olympics are still a full two years away, but ICEM Finnish chemicals union affiliate Kemianliitto-Kemifacket has already made an event out of a resolution it proposed &ndash; and passed &ndash; at the recent Congress of SASK, the Trade Union Solidarity Centre of Finland. 
<img height="233" alt="" src="" width="350" /> 
 
SAK's Lauri Ihalainen takes aim, while Kemianliitto President Timo Valliitu points the way
The resolution is coupled with an example of what &ldquo;Fair Play&rdquo; means when it comes to clothing, shoes and sporting equipment for the Beijing Games. Kemianliitto-Kemifacket showcased such ethically made apparel by sponsoring a Youth-10 girls football team whose players are outfitted with clothing made in Finland, and play only with balls certified by the Fair Trade Association. 
 
The 50,000-member trade union calls its campaign a public awareness effort to draw Nordic attention to the lack of bargaining rights and worker protections in many of the countries where big-name sporting companies produce their goods.

Finnish Chemical Workers’ Union Begins “Fair Play” Drive Toward Olympics

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Some 200 workers at a paper mill and converter owned by Smurfit Kappa Packaging in Argentina are on strike over the company&rsquo;s failure to pay a scheduled wage increase. The strike is at the company&rsquo;s mill and converting operations in Bernal and Espora. 
 
The workers, represented by a union affiliated to ICEM affiliate Federaci&oacute;n de Obreros y Empleados de la Industria del Papel, Cart&oacute;n y Qu&iacute;micos, struck because a 12% pay increase that was won in a long struggle after numerous social dialogue sessions with Smurfit has never been paid. 
<img height="99" src="" width="100" alt="" />
The company now is hiding behind the national work agreement in Argentina for the paper sector, and refuses to honour past commitments. Blas Juan Alari, Secretary General for Federaci&oacute;n del Papel, told the ICEM that the early promises made to workers are an acquired right, and that workers are refusing to bend to the pressure by the company.

Argentine Paperworkers Strike Smurfit Kappa over Non-Payment of Salary Agreement

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The Austrian national labour centre &Ouml;GB has been asking, as part of an ongoing reform process, the opinion of its members on how they see their union and what they expect from it. Questions range from, &ldquo;Are you satisfied with your union?&rdquo; to &ldquo;What benefits are you getting/needing from the union?&rdquo; and &ldquo;What do you think should be our priorities?&rdquo; 
 
Both ICEM affiliates in Austria, the Gewerkschaft der Chemiearbeiter (GdC) and the Gewerkschaft Metall-Textil-Nahrung (GMTN), took an active part in the &Ouml;GB poll, seeking to highlight a number of issues that they feel are particularly important. 
<img height="44" src="" width="43" align="middle" alt="" />&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; &nbsp;<img height="62" src="" width="145" align="middle" alt="" />
To that effect, a joint statement was released, co-signed by another Austrian union, Gewerkschaft Bau-Holz (GBH), with whom the two unions have been operating jointly as &ldquo;pro.ge.&rdquo; (Pro.ge stands for short for &ldquo;Produktionsgewerkschaften in den Bereichen Produktion, Technik und nahe Dienstleistungen.&rdquo;) 
 
According to the three organisations, there is a need to organise differently the work done by trade unions in Austria, as the playing field has changed. The world-wide activities of multinational corporations, as well as the ever changing employer-employee relationships are cited as part of that. 
 
In their joint statement, emphasis was placed on the need to support workers in all forms of atypical work, on the urgency in getting more women involved in trade union work, and on the necessity to cooperate more strongly on the international level, with other trade unions and members of civil society.

Austrian Affiliates Take ÖGB Debate to Global Level

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A little-noticed, but monumental vote in the Canada&rsquo;s House of Commons on 25 October was won by the Canadian labour movement. Hundreds of trade unionists, including members from ICEM affiliates Communications, Energy, and Paperworkers (CEP) Union of Canada and the United Steelworkers (USW), flooded the Parliament in Ottawa to assure passage on this historic vote. 
 
The vote came on the second reading of a &ldquo;private member&rsquo;s bill&rdquo; to ban, under the Canadian labour code, replacement workers or scabs during strikes and lockouts. Labour law in Canada is generally regulated by the provinces. But when an industry such as telecommunications, mining, or transportation crosses provincial lines, the Canadian national code takes effect. 
 
The second-reading vote passed by an overwhelming margin, 167-101, with all New Democratic Party and Bloc Qu&eacute;b&eacute;cois parliamentarians voting in favour. The fact that most members of the Liberal Party, and even a few Conservatives voted for the measure, Bill C-257, is a tribute to the trade unionists who moved this legislation forward. 
<img height="83" src="" width="100" align="middle" alt="" />&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; &nbsp;<img height="66" src="" width="120" align="middle" alt="" />
A scab ban across Canada&rsquo;s federally-supervised work areas had been attempted over 10 times before, the latest in April 2005 when it was defeated by 12 votes. What&rsquo;s more, Bill C-257 is a &ldquo;private member&rsquo;s bill,&rdquo; introduced by a Bloc Qu&eacute;b&eacute;cois delegate, and such bills traditionally are extremely hard to pass in Canada&rsquo;s legislative system. 
 
If passed, a federal scab ban law would impose a C$1,000-a-day fine on employers who utilise replacement workers during labour disputes. Efforts to pass the bill have been boosted by two provincial statutes that ban replacement workers, one on the books in Quebec since 1977, the other enacted in British Colombia in 1993. Research shows that not only the length of strikes and lockouts in these two provinces has been shortened compared to the average, but that neither capital investment nor job creation has been hindered by the laws. 
 
&ldquo;There is an understanding among the majority of Members in Parliament that this proposed ban on replacement workers &ndash; scabs &ndash; is a modern and enlightened method of reducing the length and impact of labour disputes, whether they be strikes or lockouts,&rdquo; said USW Canadian National Director Ken Neumann, an ICEM Vice President. 
<img height="169" src="" width="150" alt="" />
ICEM Vice President Ken Neumann
&ldquo;Our union represents 15,000 Canadians working in the federal jurisdiction,&rdquo; he added. &ldquo;This legislation is important for those workers and employers directly, and will become a fair and balanced model for provincial jurisdictions that do not have it in their labour codes.&rdquo; 
 
At the CEP&rsquo;s Convention a week before the 25 October second-reading passage, delegates were lined up to take on lobbying assignments in the final push for passage. Those efforts, and the efforts of all Canadian trade unionists, paid off in the 167-101 vote. 
 
&ldquo;Canadians who work under the federal labour code are now a little closer to the fairness and balance that exists in labour relations in Quebec and in British Columbia,&rdquo; said Canadian Labour Congress (CLC) President Ken Georgetti. The CLC, which headed the lobbying effort, maintains that scab labour is an outdated practice that does more harm than good.

Historic Scab Ban Legislation Making Way Through Canada’s Parliament

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Croatian ICEM affiliate, the Autonomous Trade Union of Energy, Chemical, and Non-Metal Workers&rsquo; (EKN) of Croatia, held its Sixth Congress on 18-19 October, and enthusiastically endorsed an agreement to form, with the Croatian Metal Workers&rsquo; Union, a Confederation of Metal and Chemical Workers&rsquo; Union of Croatia. 
 
The EKN Congress gave a vote of confidence to Ivan Tomac, re-electing him President for the next term. Upon congratulating Tomac on re-election, ICEM General Secretary Fred Higgs commended the union in forging the bond with the Metal Workers&rsquo; Union by stating, &ldquo;We see this initiative as a major breakthrough in the process of uniting organized industry workers in your country and the whole region.&rdquo; 
<img height="212" alt="" src="" width="300" /> 
 
EKN President Ivan Tomac
A special Inaugural Congress of the new confederation was held following the EKN Congress. The creation of this new industrial confederation of workers, now the largest in Croatia, was preceded by three years of negotiations and the signing of a Declaration of Intent in October 2005. Establishing the confederation, which now has its own statutory bodies and president, is seen as a way for the two unions to adjust their respective financial and staff policies with the intent to fully merge the organizations in two years&rsquo; time. 
 
The new Confederation holds its doors open to all trade unions in the relevant industries who wish to join it and make it stronger. The ICEM welcomes this initiative as a unification breakthrough in bringing together a labour movement in a part of the world that has been plagued by so much division. 
 
Besides attendance at the Congress by the ICEM and the European Mine, Chemical, and Energy Workers&rsquo; Federation (EMCEF), to which EKN is affiliated on the global and European levels, guests from fraternal unions in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia, Slovakia, and Croatia were also in attendance.

Croatia’s Power and Chemical Union Moves to Forge Bonds with Metalworkers

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Nigerian oil workers&rsquo; unions again are spearheading the call for security, as well as meeting the challenges inherent in oil and gas production in a developing country. Two weeks ago, the unions PENGASSAN and NUPENG conducted a three-day workshop in Ibadan, Oyo State, to train union members to the multi-faceted changes taking hold in Nigeria&rsquo;s oil and gas fields. 
 
Those changes include outsourcing, reliance on fixed-term employment, privatisation of government assets, and de-unionisation. The government&rsquo;s inability to deal effectively with the Niger Delta&rsquo;s natural resources is also cause for great concern. 
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The workshops produced a long list of necessary reforms that would help remove corruption from government agencies and bring economic opportunities to the indigenous peoples of the Niger River Delta. 
 
&ldquo;The kidnapping and killing of workers in the Niger Delta Region continues to pose serious threats to the security of our members and other workers in the region,&rdquo; said PENGASSAN President Peter Esele. &ldquo;The vandalizing of oil pipelines by economic saboteurs has continued to keep our refineries without crude, leaving the entire nation to depend on imported petroleum products.&rdquo; 
 
The workshops also painted a critical picture of the Nigerian government, from the Oil and Gas Committee Report that has brought on privatisation and casualisation to its handling of the kidnappings and killings so common in the Delta this year.
The conference was held during a three-week period in which seven foreign nationals, all employed in the oil industry, had been kidnapped by an unknown youth militia group. The seven were abducted on 3 October from an ExxonMobil residential compound in Eseakpan, southern Akwa Iborn State, which is used to house contract workers. The seven were released more than a fortnight later following negotiations between the industry and group. 
<img height="101" alt="" src="" width="100" />
Esele pledged to the trade unionists in attendance that the unions would act as a legitimate &ldquo;pressure group,&rdquo; and that &ldquo;no stone will be left unturned in our efforts&rdquo; to bring economic dignity and opportunities to Nigerian citizens. 
 
In a separate trade union gathering occurring in Akwa Iborn State at the same time, the quarterly meeting of PENGASSAN&rsquo;s Producers&rsquo; Forum called on the Nigerian national assembly to amend the statutes governing the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC). The body says the commission has failed to address the development needs of citizens in the region. 
 
The Producers&rsquo; Forum suggests that the 3% funding of the NDDC that comes from oil prospecting companies should be directly used by the communities in which these firms operate. The forum proposed that monitoring of such projects be undertaken by the National Petroleum Investment Agency. These recommendations, as part of a seven-point action plan, were passed on to PENGASSAN&rsquo;s national secretariat.

Nigerian Oil Workers’ Unions Offer Common Sense Reforms

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Global multinational, Goodyear Tire &amp; Rubber Co., has suddenly become protectionist in its US rubber business, or so it would seem from reading the company&rsquo;s strike weeklies, which are aimed at softening 15,000 American workers into giving back more of their hard-earned incomes. 
 
The strike by ICEM affiliate, United Steelworkers (USW), of 16 Goodyear plants in the US and Canada passed the three-week mark on 26 October. The company has expressed its scorn at striking union members, who are trying to protect their livelihoods, by very publicly pronouncing that 300 auxiliary workers will get the sack due to the strike. These workers are USW members that were only recently organised at a steel-thread plant.
The same scorn is heard in the truth-defying words of North American Goodyear President Jon Rich, in his weekly missives. 
 
His message is clear: loyal &ldquo;associates&rdquo; of Goodyear are invited to abandon the strike, abandon the USW as the last front on job protections, and join the corporatist mindset in which security, retirement, and hope will not be part of any equation. &ldquo;As the strike continues,&rdquo; Rich wrote last week, &ldquo;it&rsquo;s tempting to start shifting the focus from &lsquo;what are we trying to achieve?&rsquo; to &lsquo;when will this be over?&rsquo;&rdquo; 
<img height="100" alt="" src="" width="100" />
It&rsquo;s abundantly clear what Goodyear is trying to achieve: the flexibility to slash jobs, cut incomes, and play the hand that it so quickly played at the steel-wire plant just days into the strike. 
 
When will it be over? It is becoming evident by the strikers&rsquo; resolve and their anger at being asked once again to concede to the company&rsquo;s agenda, that it will be over once Goodyear retreats from its concessions and begins treating the last stakeholder in a resounding three-year success story with the dignity and respect it deserves. 
 
&ldquo;Hasn&rsquo;t everyone but our members benefited from the turnaround since 2003?&rdquo; asks a USW spokesman. &ldquo;Despite the innovations we brought to the table and the sacrifices we made, the company is demanding more closures and more concessions.&rdquo; 
USW made contract concessions and agreed, in 2003 negotiations, to one US plant closing in exchange for job security and job-retention policies at the other North American plants. This occurred with Goodyear teetering on bankruptcy. Now, with a 17% global market tyre share and nearly one-half of the company&rsquo;s 2005 revenues, totalling US$19.72 billion, derived from North American operations, Goodyear seeks to unravel those 2003 job-security guarantees, as well as proposing that salaries be cut and retirement benefits slashed. 
Rich said in last week&rsquo;s report that Goodyear is &ldquo;trying to save American manufacturing.&rdquo; In an earlier one, in describing that negotiations are not about &ldquo;labor versus management&rdquo; but rather &ldquo;Goodyear versus the competition,&rdquo; he supplies deplorable protectionist rhetoric, aimed at driving a wedge between US workers and Goodyear workers worldwide. 
 
&ldquo;Let&rsquo;s not lose sight of the bigger flag &ndash; the stars and stripes &ndash; as we are fighting to preserve American jobs and American manufacturing,&rdquo; said Rich in a 13 October letter to striking workers. 
<img height="53" alt="" src="" width="100" />
Current bargaining proposals to close two US tyre plants that provide liveable incomes for nearly 15% of the 15,000, and ripping the living standards out from under the rest is not preservation, but rather, destruction of quality American jobs. &ldquo;How can you talk about saving American manufacturing when you look to close plants and downsize domestic production?&rdquo; adds the USW spokesman. 
 
Goodyear and Rich lay a heavy burden on US workers in these anti-worker messages. In order to gain the requested givebacks, the company continually uses terms such as &ldquo;global competition&rdquo; and &ldquo;competitive disadvantages&rdquo; to describe the global marketplace. But truth be told, Goodyear has been a global leader in driving down labour costs and attempting to achieve bottom-piercing labour precedents by attacking all workers&rsquo; gained rights. 
 
In Turkey earlier this year, it was Goodyear which forced a lockout of its workers in a failed effort to get work-rule concessions from all Turkish rubber workers, including those at two of its competitors. Union members, behind ICEM affiliated union Lastik-Iş, resisted the cuts, and retained their work rights by getting workers to stand shoulder to shoulder at all three tyre-makers. 
 
In Thailand, Goodyear continues to resist placing long-term contract workers in full-time positions, something that the ICEM affiliate pushes as a matter of fairness and dignity for the contract workers. In Malaysia, Goodyear has broken quota levels by employing low-wage foreign nationals in order to drive down Malaysian labour rates. 
 
Goodyear&rsquo;s protectionist cry to American workers rings hollow when the company is busy steering the competition on this downward spiral. 
 
The strike by USW members in the 12 US plants and four in Canada is strong. Strikers see past the company&rsquo;s fear-based rhetoric, and know in their hearts that since they figured strongly in Goodyear&rsquo;s great turnaround, they deserve to be rewarded, not punished. 
 
That sentiment also stands with the people who live in the middle-class towns and communities surrounding the Goodyear plants. They know of the hardships and despair that come to all in the race to the bottom. 
 
Support also came from members of the United Automobile Workers (UAW), who turned out in mass on 25 October to boost USW picket lines at a Goodyear plant in Tonawanda, New York. The same occurred a day later when 100 union members from across Canada gathered at a Goodyear picket line in Owen Sound, Ontario. 
 
Goodyear can wax on all it wants about &ldquo;serving our customers,&rdquo; hinting endlessly that this strike must be broken, and then openly wondering when it will happen. But with steadfast resolve only mounting, and with Goodyear losing production revenues at a rate of US$38 million per day (as estimated by one rubber analyst), an end to this strike appears to be Goodyear&rsquo;s call.

Facts Contradict Goodyear’s Anti-Worker Strike Messages in North America

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The Imerys announcement last July that the French-based building materials company would relocate its UK paper coating operations to Brazil, and sack over 600 workers in the Cornwall region, was a shock to workers, their families, and the communities and towns in the UK&rsquo;s South West. 
 
The news followed prior closure announcements, a 100-member workplace in Lamotte-Beuvron, France, where work was being shifted to Hungary, and job reductions at the Lixhe plant in Belgium. Now comes word that Imerys has been planning even more sackings; jobs at its Minerali SpA plant in Massa, Italy, where workers recently struck in protest to jobs being moved to Turkey. 
 
In the UK, ICEM affiliate Transport and General Workers&rsquo; Union (TGWU) has called for a mass march and rally on Saturday, 18 November, in St. Austell, Cornwall, in protest not only to Imerys&rsquo; community-wrecking job redundancies, but the company&rsquo;s bad-faith bargaining in the official consultation process. 
<img height="55" alt="" src="" width="100" />
The TGWU and two other UK trade unions that represent Imerys workers in the region are preparing memberships for an industrial ballot. In late September, Imerys&rsquo; workers gave the unions a mandate to call for a ballot when the time and circumstances are ripe. The company has turned a deaf ear on TGWU ideas for job retention and job creation opportunities, and the redundancy package that has been tabled is ridiculously low. 
 
Recently, in what the TGWU is calling &ldquo;misleading spin,&rdquo; the company claimed that a large number of UK workers have already opted for the voluntary redundancy package. A representative of FO C&eacute;ramique, the French ICEM affiliate which is working with TGWU to correct Imerys&rsquo; behaviour, was told the same at Paris headquarters. 
However, Imerys&rsquo; count in the UK merely was on the number of workers who had responded to an inquiry to receive more information on the redundancy package. 
&nbsp;<img height="60" alt="" src="" width="100" />
The closure announcement of the company&rsquo;s Minerali SpA operation in Italy is even more inexcusable. Only a few weeks ago, Imerys CEO G&eacute;rard Buffi&egrave;re answered a question from an Italian trade union CGIL representative on the subject, at a meeting with other trade union representatives present, including the head of the European Works Council, Serge Gonzalez from FO C&eacute;ramique. 
 
Buffi&egrave;re responded by saying that the Italian plant would not be touched. Gonzalez and FO C&eacute;ramique took note, but then an alert came from Italy that jobs would be slashed and a strike commenced. 
 
Striking Imerys workers in Italy ended that industrial action last week when news came that the company withdrew its prior announcement of closing the Massa plant. Negotiations will now restart in Italy on the future of the plant. 
<img height="85" alt="" src="" width="65" />
FO C&eacute;ramique&rsquo;s Gonzalez is currently preparing a document, to be signed by all Imerys unions in Europe. An earlier statement by the workers representatives of the Imerys European Works Council described the current relocation wave as profit driven. The company has posted excellent economic returns, and has no compelling reasons to cause such social distress.

18 November Date for Mass Rally against Imerys in UK’s South West

Please send a message to 
(with a copy to the&nbsp;ICEM - <a href="mailto:info@icem.org">info@icem.org</a>) 
 
Fran&ccedil;ois YAO 
General Secretary SYNASEG 
E-mail : <a href="mailto:ykokora@cie.ci">ykokora@cie.ci</a> 
Fax :+225 21 23 38 25 
 
 
 
 
Dear Colleagues, 

Re: Your strike against CIE 
We have learned through the ICEM that you will be on strike against CIE from&nbsp;October 30 to November 1. 
 
We understand that for a long time, CIE has been using the following tactics in an attempt to weaken your union 
 
&bull; Refusal to enter into dialog, and applying dilatory measures 
&bull; Hindered union freedoms by prohibiting the posting of union notices, and refused to allow holding union meetings, etc. 
&bull; Violated the union fees check-off agreement, by withholding fees, abusively use fees that have been collected in favour of third parties. 
&bull; Arbitrary creation and use of a Mutual Investment Fund (FCP in its French acronym) supposed to benefit employees but which proceedings are not used in favour of workers whereas they are the only contributors. 
 
We fully support your decision to call for a strike this week and demand that CIE immediately open unconditional negotiations with SYNASEG. 
 
In Solidarity,

Model support letter for SYNASEG campaign

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