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The Prime Minister of Iraq, Nouri Al-Maliki, will meet in Baghdad with a delegation of the Iraqi Federation of Oil Unions (IFOU), led by its President, Hassan Jumaa Awad Alasady, tomorrow, Wednesday, 16 May 2007. 
 
The meeting was hurriedly arranged by the Iraqi Prime Minister in a late attempt to avert threatened strike action that would involve all workers and technicians throughout the oil industry of the South, stopping production in all of the oil companies in Basra, Misan, Thi-Qar and Muthanna and affecting all domestic oil products as well as the export of crude oil. The strike may still take place. 
The trade union delegation will return to Basra on Thursday, 17 May, where the union will decide on further steps according to the outcome of the discussions with the Prime Minister. 
 
This is no idle threat. The IFOU, previously known as the GUOE-Basra, has over 26,000 members throughout the ten state oil companies in the south of Iraq and has a past history of strike action in defence of its members and the industry. 
<img height="263" alt="" src="" width="350" />
(Photo &ndash; from left to right) 
Sue Rogers, Chairperson TUC Iraq Solidarity Committee; Owen Tudor, Head of TUC European Union and International Relations Department; Hassan Jumaa Awad Alasady, President Iraqi Federation of Oil Unions (IFOU); Jim Catterson, ICEM Director of Organisation; Ralf Erbel Coordinator of the Iraqi Workers Project ITUC,&nbsp;Amman Office 
The union is also at the forefront of the Iraqi trade union struggle against the proposed hydrocarbons law which, as written, would benefit the multinational oil industry far more than the Iraqi people. Indeed, one demand on the table when the meeting takes place is a call for serious consultations to take place with the trade unions on the present contents of the draft law, and that the trade unions must be able to review any proposed legislation prior to any attempted introduction. 
 
ICEM is following the situation closely and will be calling on affiliated trade unions for solidarity action in the event of a strike. 
 
The strike threat was initially made in a 27 April public letter to the Iraqi Oil Minister, following discussion at the union&rsquo;s Executive Board meeting with broad member representation the previous day in Basra. The meeting formulated a list of demands and the call for a strike was unanimously adopted if the demands were not met by 10 May 2007. 
 
The strike date was postponed from 10 May to 14 May as the union entered negotiations with a committee formed by the Iraqi Council of Ministers. No direct negotiations with the Oil Ministry took place and a second postponement of the strike was due&nbsp;to the intervention of the Prime Minister, and the ICEM hopes that his decision to meet the union delegation personally will be significant. 
<img height="115" alt="" src="" width="250" />
The strike call came after numerous demands of the union that the Iraqi government had promised to implement last year had still not been met. Some outstanding commitments are unfulfilled, after having been made several years ago. 
Many of the demands are related to wages and working conditions, including a demand for wage increases, the payment of a previously agreed bonus that is based on the distribution to workers of a proportion of oil revenues achieved by the company, no salary deductions to be made for granted vacation days, and the delivery of land parcels for housing to workers. 
 
Further demands are for the recruitment of new graduates, as well as the promotion of workers where this has been stalled. The union also calls for full time permanent status to be given to workers presently classed as temporary contract workers. 
 
Faced with increased pollution in oil facilities and evidence that there is a major increase in the incidence of cancers among the workforce the union has also tabled health and safety demands. 
 
All of these demands and the strike call were discussed by Hassan Jumaa at a meeting in Amman, Jordan, 1 May 2007 with a delegation from ICEM, the Trades Union Congress (TUC) of the United Kingdom, and the Jordan office of the International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC). The aim of the meeting was principally to improve communication channels between Hassan Jumaa&rsquo;s union and the international trade union movement, as well as to discuss future joint work and cooperation. 
 
Discussions were detailed and wide-ranging and we look forward to increased cooperation in the future. This is already happening with Arabic speaking staff of both the ITUC and the Solidarity Center of AFL-CIO having facilitated communication between IFOU and ICEM and the TUC over recent days.&nbsp;
Read the letter by the IFOU to the Iraqi oil minister in <a href="/index.php?id=24&amp;doc=2261">English</a> or <a href="/wp-content/migration/icem/0705Iraq.pdf">Arabic</a>.
For more information, please contact Jim Catterson, ICEM Director of Organisation, +32-2-626.20.45 or <a href="mailto:jim.catterson@icem.org">jim.catterson@icem.org</a>.

Threatened Oil Industry Strike in Iraq

The Executive Committee of the ICEM condemns the position taken by many global multinational companies, especially those companies originating from democratic countries, which are negatively influencing the decision making process of the Chinese government concerning the new Chinese labour law for workers in China. 
 
Whereas, the current and new legal requirements by the Chinese government, in the eyes of the international trade union movement, are far below international standards as commonly accepted, 
 
Whereas, many multinational enterprises doing business in China oppose implementation of these requirements. 
<img height="67" src="" width="100" alt="" />
Whereas, ICEM is concerned about the work conditions in China, and also about the influence that Chinese labour standards have on the position and working conditions of workers world-wide. 
 
Be it Resolved, that ICEM calls upon multinational companies not to oppose these new requirements by the Chinese government, which, even though set at a level well below internationally accepted standards, can be considered progress. 
 
Be it further Resolved, that ICEM calls upon multinational companies not to oppose the struggle by workers towards free, strong and independent trade unions in China. 
 
Be it further Resolved that, multinational companies, originating from China, apply high-quality labour standards for their workers throughout their global operations.

ICEM Executive Committee - 10-11 May 2007 

ICEM Resolution on Chinese labour law in multinational companies

The ICEM Executive Committee, meeting in Brussels on 10 and 11 May 2007, deplored the fact that the strike by 82 women workers at Novamed in Antalya, Turkey, is continuing without settlement since September 2006. 
 
In 2007 we can no longer permit practices such as employers granting permission to women to become pregnant and other measures to limit women&rsquo;s rights to maternity and family. These practices no longer belong in the 21st century. 
 
Maternity is a social responsibility. Women may not be penalized by meeting their obligations as mothers. On the contrary, society must acknowledge women&rsquo;s roles as mothers and workers and provide the conditions for them to perform these roles. 
<img height="66" alt="" src="" width="100" />
The practice of restricting women&rsquo;s maternity rights is against ILO Conventions and EU directives and does not suit a country applying for membership in the European Union. 
 
ICEM urges the company to respect its obligations toward international and European law. 
 
ICEM on behalf of 20 million members worldwide expresses its wholehearted solidarity and support to the strikers at Novamed and Petrol-Is. 
 
ICEM Executive Committee 
Brussels, 10 May 2007

ICEM resolution on strike by women workers at Novamed, Antalya, Turkey

<img height="31" alt="" src="" width="25" />
1. Costa Rica - Parliament Approves Law to Penalize Violence against Women 
2. Denmark - From our readers: Marianne Bruun, 3F, writes 
3. Ecuador - Women Workers&rsquo; Coordinate and Meet 
4. India - Women&rsquo;s Ceremony for Children of Worker Victims 
5. Iraq - May Day in Basra 
6. Korea - Women Workforce Expands 
7. Mexico - Mexico City Legalises Abortion 
8. Morocco - Women&rsquo;s Network Holds Workers&rsquo; Memorial Day Cause 
9. South Africa - Pushes for Constitutional Guarantees of Gender Equality 
10. Resources
<img height="31" alt="" src="" width="25" />
1. Costa Rica &ndash; Parliament Approves Law to Penalize Violence Against Women
On 12 April 2007, the Costa Rican Legislative Assembly passed pioneering legislation to penalize violence against women. The aim is to protect the rights of the victims of violence and to sanction such in all its forms &ndash; physical, psychological, sexual, property &ndash; in the context of a relationship of power or confidence. This will only be the second time in the world, after Spain, that this type of legislation has been passed. 
The law implies a change in the penal code and the traditional concept of related crimes. Women should thus have better protection against violence in relations with partners. Costa Rica is now a reference point in the Americas in terms of legislation against violence against women. 
<img height="31" alt="" src="" width="25" />
2. Denmark
From our readers: Marianne Bruun, 3F, writes: 
Average male earnings are higher than average female earnings in the Danish labour market. Depending on how hourly wages are calculated, the unadjusted pay differences, i.e., the percentage difference between the average earnings of men and women, is between 12-19%. 
The main single explanation of the pay differences between men and women in Denmark is that women work in other professions than men, and that people working in those professions are generally paid less than people working in the typically male professions. 
 
For years we have asked for statistical tools that would show pay inequalities in various lines of business and job categories. The Danish government has now adopted legislation requiring that major enterprises prepare gender-separated statistics. 
If they prefer it, the enterprises may instead prepare reports on equal pay, provided employees agree with this. Such reports must contain information about matters that have an impact on male and female employees&rsquo; pay in the enterprise, and must also describe initiatives taken by the enterprise to avoid pay inequality. 
 
The new legislation applies to enterprises with 35 or more full- and part-time employees and have at least ten people of each gender employed in the same job function. Enterprises that do not have any groups of at least ten men and ten women do not have to prepare gender-separated pay statistics. 
 
In the trade union movement, we are not at all pleased with this limitation, which means that only a small proportion of our members will be covered by the new legislation. We have therefore decided to create a number of supplementary tools that can be used by union representatives in most workplaces, thus enabling them to collect data on pay themselves and to identify any pay inequality issues in their own enterprise. 
Paternity leave 
In connection with the recently finalised collective bargaining in Danish industry, we have achieved two very important improvements in the field of equal opportunities for men and women. 
 
First of all, a number of weeks have been earmarked for leave for fathers. Danish legislation provides a total of 32 weeks of leave to be shared by parents (in continuation of the mother&rsquo;s 14-week maternity leave). However, in most cases it is the woman that takes the entire &rsquo;shared&rsquo; leave, while men are rarely keen to take leave. One reason is that women want to have the entire leave; another is that colleagues and employers are reluctant to let men take time off to go on paternity leave. 
 
It has now been agreed that a family is entitled to full pay in nine of the thirty-two weeks of leave, but that either parent may only take leave for six of those nine weeks. This means that at least three weeks are earmarked for leave for the father if the family wants to receive full pay for nine weeks. We hope this will make more men go on paternity leave. 
 
Another important aspect is that we will now do something about the fact that women who take maternity leave lag behind in terms of pensions, as they do not contribute to any pension scheme while they are on leave. The new collective agreements compensate a bit for that. 
Reconciliation between family and working life
We have long discussed our members&rsquo; need for a better work-life balance, so in order to find out what our members mean when they say they want a better balance between work and family life, we have carried out a questionnaire survey. 
 
Our members, first of all, point out that they believe this particular issue should be one of the union&rsquo;s focus areas. They also express a strong wish to have family policy included in our collective agreements, which it has not previously been in Denmark. 
 
The survey also shows that stress is a common phenomenon among our members. This is particularly true of women members, not least single mothers. The distribution of work in families is still far from equal, which means that most women work full-time outside the home and also have to do the housework. That is why our focus will be, to an increasing extent, targeting labour market demands that can possibly make daily work-life easier for families with young children. 
<img height="31" alt="" src="" width="25" />
3. Ecuador &ndash; Women Workers&rsquo; Coordinate and Meet
The Eighth Meeting of the Coordination of Andean Women Workers took place on 2-3 May in Manta, Ecuador, with the proposal to fight for equal opportunities between men and women. About 20 women from trade union national centres met in Bolivia. Representatives from Colombia, Ecuador, Peru, and Venezuela attended the meeting of COMUANDE. 
 
The meeting adopted a proposal to be passed on to the Andean Community of Nations that equal opportunities between men and women must become reality once and for all. COMUANDE meets once a year in regional assembly at rotating venues. It is a space for coordination and exchange to make proposals regarding trade unions, social policy, and politics in the process of Andean integration. 
<img height="31" alt="" src="" width="25" />
4. India &ndash; Women&rsquo;s Ceremony for Children of Worker Victims 
In the framework of Workers&rsquo; Memorial Day, 28 April, the Society for Working Life held a women&rsquo;s meeting in New Delhi to organise a candle ceremony with children of worker victims. Local trade unions in Bihar state also organised a similar commemoration. SWL, the Society for Working Life, is involved in the Women, Work, and Health Initiative, and works with NGOs in Bihar to create awareness of HIV/AIDS among migrant workers. 
<img height="31" alt="" src="" width="25" />
5. Iraq &ndash; May Day in Basra 
<img height="285" alt="" src="" width="380" />
&nbsp;The GFIW Says Strong Unions Need Women 
<img height="31" alt="" src="" width="25" />
6. Korea &ndash; Women Workforce Expands
Women comprise more than 42% of the Korean workforce, according to a recent survey by the state-run Korean Employment Information Service. This marks a steady increase over the years. 
 
The survey analysed the nation&rsquo;s employment structure based on gender, salary, and occupational category. The female workforce increased most in the chemical industry, with a 6.5% rise. On the other hand, the number of women&rsquo;s jobs decreased by 4.1% percentage points in the industrial arts and furnishing services. And fewer women took jobs in the electric and telecommunication sectors. 
 
An earlier survey by the Korea Institute of Finance showed that women had outpaced men in the tight job market. According to the National Statistical Office, women took 154,000, or 69.4%, of about 222,000 new jobs in various high-paying professions in 2006. Those jobs included lawmakers, high-ranking government officials, lawyers, doctors, and professors. 
 
Men claimed the remaining 68,000 new jobs. The number of lawmakers, corporate executives, and managers reached 571,000 in 2006, down 3,000 from 2005, but the number of women increased by 2,000 during the same period. 
<img height="31" alt="" src="" width="25" />
7. Mexico &ndash; Mexico City Legalizes Abortion 
 
The Mexico City legislature passed a bill to legalize abortion during the first three months of pregnancy. This occurred on 24 April. 
 
Feminists hailed the decision as a victory. For decades women, especially poor women, have been forced by way of backstreet abortions and questionable practices to end unwanted pregnancies. Thousands die every year due to botched abortions. 
 
Mexico City has now become the largest entity in Latin America after Cuba and Puerto Rico where women may have abortions on demand in the first three months of pregnancy. Most other states in Mexico only allow abortion in cases of rape or danger to the woman&rsquo;s health. 
 
Opponents have condemned this measure, passed in this highly Catholic country. Court battles and clashes are bound to be launched. It may ultimately be challenged by the Supreme Court. The Pope publicly condemned the bill. 
<img height="31" alt="" src="" width="25" />
8. Morocco &ndash; Women&rsquo;s Network Holds Workers&rsquo; Memorial Day Cause 
The women&rsquo;s network &ldquo;Women and Sustainable Development&rdquo; lit candles on 28 April to commemorate victims in countries without protective legislation. They also rang out an alarm at fetal deformities due to cancer in women because of health hazards on the job, or pollution. 
 
The women called on politicians to pay more attention to health and safety, and for trade unions to be more involved in job-related safety issues in Arab-Muslim countries. The network appealed to women throughout the world to stand in solidarity against victims of injustices, and with women in areas of conflict in order to promote peace. 
 
The network aims to connect with women workers throughout the world in order to promote sustainable development and occupational safety. It started with women in Arab-Muslim countries, and now extends to Algeria, Bahrain, Djibouti, Egypt, Iran, Jordan, Kenya, Mauritania, Morocco, Kuwait, Tunisia, Libyan Arab Jamahiriya, Malaysia, Pakistan, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Syrian Arab Republic, Sudan, Somalia, United Arab Emirates. 
<img height="31" alt="" src="" width="25" />
9. South Africa Pushes for Constitutional Guarantees of Gender Equality 
 
South Africa&rsquo;s Cabinet is 42% women, one of the highest percentages in the world. South Africa&rsquo;s Commission on Gender Equality has called consultations on a draft protocol to break new ground to make first-time commitments on gender equality in a sub-regional document. 
 
In August, the Heads of State of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) will be called upon to elevate the SADC Declaration on Gender and Development to a more biding Protocol. NGOs have audited the 1997 declaration and decided that non-binding measures have not worked. Legally binding measures are now being sought to move SADC to implementation. 
 
The African Union has come out in favour of gender parity, but it has not set targets. 
 
Setting targets has the effect of mobilising those who lag behind, since no country wants to be seen as the worst performer. All SADC countries, except Botswana, have increased the proportion of women in parliament. The increases have been particularly marked in Swaziland, Malawi, and Mauritius. On average, women comprise 20% of the region&rsquo;s legislators, second only to the Nordic countries. 
 
In addition, countries would be required to specify that in case there is a conflict between customary and state law, the national constitution will take precedence, as is the case in South Africa. Customary laws govern most women&rsquo;s lives in the region, so that this change may be the most significant of all. These changes are slow but necessary if the root inequalities are to be eliminated. 
<img height="31" alt="" src="" width="25" />
10. Resources
The World Bank&rsquo;s Global Monitoring Report on the Millenium Goals shows that progress toward gender equality is lagging. Available on the World Bank&rsquo;s website: 
<a href="http://web.worldbank.org/WBSITE/EXTERNAL/NEWS/0,,contentMDK:21296903~pagePK:64257043~piPK:437376~theSitePK:4607,00.html">http://web.worldbank.org/WBSITE/EXTERNAL/NEWS 
/0,,contentMDK:21296903~pagePK:64257043~ 
piPK:437376~theSitePK:4607,00.html</a>
Coalition of Labor Union Women, the working women&rsquo;s organization in the United States: 
<a href="http://www.cluw.org">www.cluw.org</a>
The Berger-Marks Foundation assists organizations in organizing: 
<a href="http://www.bergermarks.org">www.bergermarks.org</a>
Economic and Social Survey of Asia and the Pacific 2007 (draws attention to gender inequalities) 
<a href="http://www.unescap.org/publications/detail.asp?id=1205">www.unescap.org/publications/detail.asp?id=1205</a>

ICEM WOMEN’S BULLETIN 22

<img height="40" src="" width="100" alt="" />
Pilkington glass workers in New Zealand, represented by Engineering, Paper and Manufacturing Union (EPMU) will decide tomorrow night, 14 August, whether or not to escalate industrial actions. During the first days of August, EPMU members at the Hamilton glass plant began a seven-day overtime ban because of a pay dispute. 
 
That was extended last week and union members at another Pilkington plant in Auckland met and agreed to support the Hamilton workers&rsquo; job actions. The Auckland workforce, represented by EPMU, was forced to take nine days of job actions last year in a pay dispute. In 2006, UK-based Pilkington was bought by Nippon Sheet Glass for &euro;3.2 billion, in a move to strengthen the Japanese company&rsquo;s presence in Asia, particularly China.
<img height="50" src="" width="100" alt="" />
&ldquo;The company&rsquo;s arguing over a quarter of a percent (in Hamilton), and frankly the members are getting sick of this kind of penny-pinching &hellip; the members are simply asking for their fair share,&rdquo; said an EPMU representative, as quoted on the union&rsquo;s website.

Pilkington Workers in Glass Dispute in New Zealand

<img height="40" src="" width="100" alt="" />
The position on climate change and renewable energy sources by the Mining and Energy Division of Australia&rsquo;s Construction, Forestry, Mining and Energy Union (CFMEU) has drawn positive attention. A Green Party candidate for Senate in Queensland praised the CFMEU for its stand, and an opinion piece written by Mining and Energy Division President Tony Maher drew wide appeal in the Australian press. 
 
Queensland Green Party activist Larissa Waters welcomed the division&rsquo;s stand on renewable energy and a 60% target for greenhouse gas reductions by 2050. 
 
&ldquo;We would be keen to work with unions like the CFMEU to plan ways to move to an environmentally sustainable approach to energy production,&rdquo; said Waters, &ldquo;especially since we already have strong areas of agreement with them on the WorkChoices legislation.&rdquo; 
 
The CFMEU has begun a television ad campaign in Australia, contradicting the Howard government&rsquo;s denial that climate change is occurring and promoting immediate action programmes.
<img height="94" src="" width="100" alt="" />
In an article kicking the ad campaign off, Maher says, &ldquo;Doing nothing on climate change is not an option for the CFMEU.&rdquo; 
 
Maher writes: &ldquo;Our rank and file debated and discussed the proposition to campaign on climate change in every single mine and power station around the nation, before voting overwhelmingly to embark on this course of action. 

&ldquo;The decision to back the campaign did not surprise me &ndash; for more than a decade the union has been an active participant in the climate change debate. After all, our members and our families' livelihoods are at the pointy end of the debate.&rdquo; 

Maher says the key to the union&rsquo;s position was engagement with members &ldquo;to create our own policy on greenhouse emissions.&rdquo; 

He adds, &ldquo;We have taken this approach because we want to live in a cleaner world and we want the security for our members, our families and for the coal communities for which we are a vital part. 

&ldquo;Now some may argue that the way to secure the future of coal communities is to stick our heads in the sand and, like John Howard, deny that climate change is occurring. 

&ldquo;But what security is there in refusing to engage in a debate that is raging at this very moment?&rdquo; Maher writes. 

&ldquo;From our perspective, security comes in certainty &ndash; the certainty of Clean Energy Targets and the certainty of commitments to greenhouse reductions. 
&ldquo;Business needs certainty too. If mining companies invest billions into new technology, they must receive a guarantee that such clean energy will have a market share.&rdquo; 

Maher cites examples: &ldquo;Clean coal technologies like carbon capture and geosequestration will reduce the impact of coal on the environment. As most mainstream thinkers agree, coal will remain a large part of the world's energy mix for the foreseeable future &ndash; the real challenge is to minimise its harmful impacts.
&ldquo;At the same time, we need to be investing in and embracing renewable energy sources. Our argument is that without a clear Clean Energy Target &ndash; backed with a carbon trading regime &ndash; we will never have the incentive to invest in these new technologies.&rdquo; 
CFMEU claims it is the first mining union in the world to take such a stand on the climate change issue.

CFMEU&#039;s Green Initiative Applauded in Australia

<img height="40" src="" width="100" alt="" />
If any event defined the strength and vibrancy of a great trade union, that event started on the night of 9 August 1987 when the National Union of Mineworkers (NUM) began the Great Mines Strike of South Africa, or &ldquo;21 Days That Shook the Chamber,&rdquo; as it claimed to be called. Although the wage gains the NUM was seeking were not achieved, the strike by 330,000 black miners 20 years ago proved to be a decisive catalyst in the struggle to end apartheid. 
 
The NUM marked the anniversary last week in South Africa as an event that &ldquo;will be remembered for shaking the industry in a manner that was never seen before.&rdquo; It also solemnly noted the deaths of nine striking miners at the hands of apartheid police, and the 50,000 miners who were fired by mining companies for actively leading the strike.
<img height="100" src="" width="100" alt="" />
During 1987 wage bargaining between the employers&rsquo; Chamber of Mines and the Council of Mining Unions, representing white miners and officials, the unions accepted a 15% wage gain. But in separate bargaining with the NUM, the Chamber only offered 17% to black miners, who were paid much lower salaries than whites. NUM had lowered its demands to 24% at the time of the strike. 
 
Despite this, employers &ndash; led by the AngloAmerican Corporation, which employed the vast majority of unionised black miners &ndash; unilaterally implemented its offer. That caused the NUM to strike the first of some 60 gold and coal mines on 9 August. The Council of Mines thought the NUM too weak to sustain the early strikes, or to call out miners at more sites. 
 
But as the strike spread and more and more mines were idled, that proved to be a fallacy. 
 
A mining trade publication at the time reported: &ldquo;The union has shown itself to be much better organized, its strike call well supported from the outset. The Chamber appears to have expected the NUM action to last only a few days as in earlier years and was somewhat surprised at the duration and solidarity of the union&rsquo;s action and by its organisational capabilities, determination, and skill during the strike.&rdquo;
<img height="101" src="" width="100" alt="" />
NUM General Secretary Cyril Ramaphosa, the son of a Soweto policeman who was then only 35, provided strong leadership and staunch resolve. He also proved to be a visionary by calling 1987 the year that black mineworkers &ldquo;take control &hellip; to start controlling our lives in the mines, in the hostels, and the places we live. 
 
He also said, &ldquo;In the next few years, we are also going to take control of the work process, which dates back 100 years, when gold was discovered, during which the black workers have been like captive labour.&rdquo; Ramaphosa also said of the 1987 strike, &ldquo;The struggle we are involved in on the mines is a training ground for our people, for the ultimate goal which is liberation.&rdquo; 
 
The need for struggle was epitomised in May 1987, shortly after the NUM adopted the South African Freedom Charter, began a coalition with the United Democratic Front, and marched with the slogans of the banned African National Congress. On the night of 7 May 1987, with NUM&rsquo;s offices headquartered in the COSATU House in Johannesburg, special security police used explosives to blow the building up. A short three weeks later, NUM declared dispute with the mining houses over disparate wages, deficient health and safety practices for black miners, overcrowded hostels, and other grievances. 
 
Two weeks into the August mass strikes, realising that the NUM&rsquo;s resolve could not be broken, mining companies used a quirk in South African industrial law that allowed employers to dismiss workers even when they are engaged in a legal strike. Some 50,000 NUM members were fired. That and the very survival of the NUM caused regional strike committees to decide to end the strike, and on 30 August black mineworkers returned to work with their heads held high. 
 
The mining journal said the NUM &ldquo;has gained considerable stature as a result of its action,&rdquo; adding that the union&rsquo;s &ldquo;influence is now widespread throughout the mining industry and that unionisation of black miners is likely to increase.&rdquo;
<img height="95" src="" width="100" alt="" />
About half of the 50,000 mines were eventually re-hired to mining jobs over the next few years, and many proved to be key organisers and effective trade union leaders. The strike also taught the NUM something about self-reliance. As an outgrowth of it, the NUM formed non-profit organisations that mitigated job losses in mining with skill development, as well as labour cooperatives and welfare funds for dependants of miners. 
 
Today, that influence is evident. With roughly two-thirds of NUM members regularly attending union meetings and a shop-steward structure second to none, the NUM stands as a beacon of light for safe, sustainable jobs in South Africa&rsquo;s mining industry.

9 August: 20-Year Anniversary of NUM’s Great Mines Strike in South Africa

<img height="40" alt="" src="" width="100" />
In South Africa last week on 9 August, people celebrated National Women&rsquo;s Day in commemoration of the brave women one and two generations ago who first stood up against the racially-dividing Pass Laws of the apartheid government. 
 
Men and women gathered at the Union Buildings in Pretoria, site of an August 1956 march by 20,000 women in protest of the Pass Laws that were enacted on 9 August 1956. In Cape Town last week, 700 women and children marched and demanded that the government immediately implement the Domestic Violence Act. The march to government buildings there was against the abuse and rape of women and children.
<img height="60" alt="" src="" width="100" />
And across South Africa, unions, civil society organisations, and other groups used the 9 August holiday to urge more governmental action on HIV/AIDS-related work and treatment centres. Women are the worst affected by the scourge of the HIV virus. 
 
The National Union of Mineworkers (NUM) issued a statement commemorating both the brave women of the anti-pass struggles, and the brave miners who stood up to white bosses in the Great Mining Strike of 1987.
<img height="56" alt="" src="" width="45" />
&ldquo;We salute the heroes and heroines of these struggles and call on employers to improve the welfare of women and workers in general as a tribute,&rdquo; stated NUM General Secretary Frans Baleni. &ldquo;The good wage agreements we enter into this year are a tribute to the fallen heroes and heroines of these struggles. 
 
The anti-pass protests and deaths from those protests had a galvanizing effect against the control-minded apartheid government of the late 1950s and 1960s. The Pass Laws prevented the free movement of black people. The laws defined the very essence of oppression and racism then in South African apartheid life. White citizens, although required to have identity documents, were not required to carry them. Black South Africans had to carry passes. 
 
The Afrikaners called it bewysboek (Book of Proof). Blacks called it dompas (stupid pass). The laws gave the police the opportunity to detain any black African who was unemployed. And since statutes said that &ldquo;pass bearers&rdquo; could not be officially classified as employees, blacks saw further discrimination in terms of workplace conditions and trade union rights. 
 
On 21 March 1960, an anti-pass protest was met by the ruthlessness of police in the township of Sharpville, south of Johannesburg. Police fired on demonstrators, killing 69 of them &ndash; many shot in the back as they were retreating &ndash; and wounded 178 others. Many of the organisers were arrested.
<img height="115" alt="" src="" width="250" />
Considered the leader of South Africa&rsquo;s anti-pass movement was Margaret Gazo, the woman with the idea for the 20,000-person march in August 1956. She died in 1974, but spent five years in prison due to her activism. The Pass Laws were repealed in 1987, with some aspects of the statutes repealed earlier. 
 
The ICEM salutes South African working men and women of today for honouring the groundbreaking achievements of women of the anti-pass movement, and echoes NUM&rsquo;s Baleni in paying tribute to these pioneers of the early anti-apartheid era.

9 August: National Women’s Day in South Africa Celebrates ‘Anti-Pass’ Struggles of Apartheid

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The ICEM is in strong support of oilworkers&rsquo; trade unions in Iraq over the most recent denial of their rights. Iraqi Oil Minister Hussein Sharistani, through his legal adviser Laith abd al Hussein Shahir, issued a formal directive to the country&rsquo;s oil companies, ordering them not to deal with trade unions and to exclude trade unionists from work committees. 
 
The directive, in effect, is meant to silence Iraq&rsquo;s oil unions from having an effect on the proposed Hydrocarbon Law. That law, which allows outside companies to exploit Iraq&rsquo;s wealth, has been approved by the Iraqi government and now is before the country&rsquo;s parliament. Iraq&rsquo;s oil workers and their unions have become the most outspoken opponents to the measure, arguing that it would ignite already dangerous regional rivalries and enrich global oil companies at the expense of ordinary Iraqis.
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Sharistani&rsquo;s directive, which states that &ldquo;unions do not enjoy any legal status to work inside the government sector,&rdquo; is a repeat of the Coalition Provisional Authority&rsquo;s Decree 8750, issued by the occupational forces in 2003 to prevent public-sector oil workers from forming trade unions. It is also a replay of Saddam&rsquo;s Decree 150, which banned all public-sector unions. 
 
&ldquo;The promotion and development of free and democratic trade unions, and the necessary social dialogue attached to that is essential for the reconstruction and reconciliation in Iraq,&rdquo; stated ICEM General Secretary Manfred Warda. &ldquo;We stand with our Iraqi brothers and sisters, and ask that this draconian directive be rescinded.&rdquo; 
 
Iraq&rsquo;s constitution, passed in 2005 with great hoopla praise from the occupational forces, enshrines the right of forming and joining professional associations and unions, and states this will be set in law. Sharistani&rsquo;s directive of 18 July 2007 is directly contradictory to Iraq&rsquo;s constitution. Iraq has also ratified ILO Convention 98 on Right to Organise and Collective Bargaining, and thus has international obligations to promote voluntary unionism and collective bargaining rights.
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Hassan Jumaa Awad, president of the Iraqi Federation of Oil Workers, representing 26,000 workers in the Southern Oil Companies, said his members would not recognise the directive since &ldquo;we are working for Iraq.&rdquo; He had called the oil law a &ldquo;planned theft of Iraqi oil disguised as &lsquo;The Hydrocarbon Law.&rsquo;&rdquo; 
 
The General Union of Oil Workers and Technicians (GUOWT), part of the General Federation of Iraqi Workers (GFIW), sent a delegation on 6 August to meet with the oil minister. Sharistani refused to meet, but sent the Information director of the ministry to tell the trade unionists that the oil minister &ldquo;will not meet with people that represent unions in the oil sector&rdquo; because there are no workers in this sector, only &ldquo;state employees.&rdquo; 
 
The GFIW delegation did deliver a letter, which demanded that Sharistani withdraw the directive.

Reckless and Repressive Union-Busting by Iraqi Oil Minister

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Turkish affiliates of the ICEM, some 13 in total, have come together to form a committee with a view to working efficiently and being actively involved in the activities of the ICEM. 
 
The first meeting of the ICEM Turkish Coordination Committee was held in Ankara on 2 August 2007. Chaired by Mustafa Kumlu, President of Turkish Electricity, Water and Gas Workers&rsquo; Union (Tes-İş), which hosted the historic gathering, the meeting was attended by 30 representatives from the affiliates. 
 
At his opening speech, Mustafa Kumlu, an ICEM Executive Committee member, said, &ldquo;Turkey is situated in a unique part of the world. On the one hand we have Europe and the Balkans, and on the other Central Asia, the Caucasus, the Middle East and Mediterranean basin.
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&nbsp;From left, ICEM&rsquo;s &Ouml;zkan and Warda; Mustafa Kumlu, President of Tes-İş; and Mustafa &Ouml;ztaskin, president of Turkish ICEM affiliate Petrol-İş 
&ldquo;This gives us very important, but very difficult tasks,&rdquo; he added. Kumla said part of the difficulty lies with the fact that the Turkish trade union movement is facing an era of privatisation, rampant subcontracting, trade union rights violations, and redundancies that are steadily growing. &ldquo;We expect the ICEM to support us in promoting trade union rights and freedoms, as well as to provide solidarity in time of conflicts, especially during organising drives,&rdquo; Kumla said. 
 
Turkish unions, he stressed, want to make their own inputs into the activities of the ICEM, as well as support and solidarity worldwide. &ldquo;One of the important pillars of our trade union work is to reinforce international solidarity and transnational cooperation,&rdquo; Kumla said. 
 
But there can be no denying that Turkish labour legislation is wilfully lacking in meeting international standards, particularly ILO conventions. Turkey&rsquo;s trade union leaders are well aware that the ILO&rsquo;s Committee on Applications of Standards has placed the country and employers operating in the country on the agenda at its meetings this year. 
 
ICEM General Secretary Manfred Warda presented the federation&rsquo;s activities, and spoke of the developments in connection with ICEM&rsquo;s 4th World Congress in November in Bangkok, Thailand. He also spoke on the different projects of the ICEM, including HIV/AIDS and Contract and Agency Labour. He also addressed regional-based projects, and said that it was essential that affiliates use the ICEM&rsquo;s Global Framework Agreements to organise inside multinational companies. 
 
Warda took up potential cooperation areas and joint initiatives in which Turkish unions are welcome and invited to participate. Specifically, he mentioned the ICEM&rsquo;s role in bringing free and democratic trade unions in Iraq and other countries in the Middle East, as well as further involvement in the highly successful energy project in the Caspian Region.
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&nbsp; 
The ICEM Chemicals and Rubber Industry Officer, Kemal &Ouml;zkan, informed participants about ICEM&rsquo;s specific services for affiliates, such as efforts to create a Turkish language version on the ICEM website. &Ouml;zkan, a trade unionist who spent many years in the Turkish labour movement, also cited specific projects for the country in the coming months, including a workshop on Contract and Agency Labour in cooperation with the Friedrich Ebert Foundation (FES). 
 
Commenting on the reports given, the participants expressed their appreciation to the ICEM as it actively continues to back ongoing industrial actions and strikes in different industries inside Turkey.

ICEM’s Turkish Affiliates’ Coordinating Committee Meets in Ankara

Archive

Threatened Oil Industry Strike in Iraq

ICEM Resolution on Chinese labour law in multinational companies

ICEM resolution on strike by women workers at Novamed, Antalya, Turkey

ICEM WOMEN’S BULLETIN 22

Pilkington Workers in Glass Dispute in New Zealand

CFMEU's Green Initiative Applauded in Australia

9 August: 20-Year Anniversary of NUM’s Great Mines Strike in South Africa

9 August: National Women’s Day in South Africa Celebrates ‘Anti-Pass’ Struggles of Apartheid

Reckless and Repressive Union-Busting by Iraqi Oil Minister

ICEM’s Turkish Affiliates’ Coordinating Committee Meets in Ankara

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